On the occasion of the commemoration of the 50 anniversary of the beginning of the armed struggle for national liberation, this paper argues that the Eritrean people's struggle for liberation was not started 50 years ago on 1st September 1961 but in 1958. Even though the ELF and EPLF leaders have tried to persuade the public that the Eritrean struggle started on 1st of September 1961, by commemorating it every year on 1st September, the Eritrean people's struggle for independence goes back to the flourishing of political parties in the 1940s, and in the 1950s. Pool(1983) also mentioned that the political roots of the Eritrean struggle for independence from Ethiopia can be traced back to the formation of parties and organizations which sprang up during the period of British military administration which lasted from 1941 to 1952.Read more

In the 1950s  the Eritrean people's struggle for independence was revived during the formation of the following youth and professional associations: Shabab which was the Moslem Youth League, Partite Giovanile Federalists Eritrea (The Young Federalists) and the Eritrean Youth Peace Council); professional Association ( the Asmara Teachers' Association; Mah'ber Memheyash Hagarawi Limidi (Association for the Development of National Culture M.M.H.L) and trade union (The Workers Syndicate of Eritrea).

The above associations and the workers' syndicate of Eritrea played an important role in organizing the 4 days general strike in 1958 to protest against the violation of UN 390(AV) Resolution by the Ethiopia government. However, the 1958 peace demonstration was violently suppressed by the Ethiopian army that caused 88 deaths and 440 wounded.  As a result of this atrocious crime the Eritrean people began to search for an alternative way to challenge the Ethiopian policy of coercion leading to the rebirth of the Eritrean people's struggle for independence in 1958 by the Eritrean Liberation Movement (ELM)/ [Harakat Atharir Al Eritrea]

By and large the suppression of the four days' general strike contributed to raising political awareness that led to the development of a strong Eritrean national consciousness and the foundation of the Eritrea Liberation Movement ( Harakat) in 1958. Reid, (2011, 159) states that the ELM or Harakat espoused religious unity as well as armed struggle in the pursuit of independence from Ethiopia, and began to organize clandestine cells across Eritrea.

Iyob (1995:103) adds that the ELM's ideal of a secular Pan-Eritrean identity, activated through its politics of protest and reconciliation, set the foundation for a rich nationalist culture. All this had a profound effect on the defiant youth of the 1950s, the same generation that was later to construct the basis of modern Eritrean nationalism. However, the Moslem-Christian schism and ethnic rivalries resurfaced in the course of the armed struggle in the late1960s and 1970s.

Akinola (2007: 10) cited Markakis (1988: 52) “Muslim pastoralists on the lowlands and Christian peasants on the plateau had never been good neighbours … the reason was a perennial competition for land, not the difference in faith.” From this viewpoint, religion has had a far more instrumental value as a mask for the competition for mundane rewards. Read more

During the 30 years of the armed struggle religion and ethnicity were exploited by the former revolutionary leaders to come to power.  This has also left its mark on the current opposition leaders. Indeed the exploitation of religion, ethnicity and region with the opposition group leaders and their supporter Eritrean educators, who are currently engaged in a cyberspace civil war on websites such as awate.com did not suddenly surface but is inherited from the former revolutionary leaders.

Although the ELF leaders and their supporters most of who are with the opposition groups claim that the ELF was the mother of the Eritrean revolution, and the EPLF leaders and their supporters who are mostly with the government claimed that the EPLF was more progressive than the ELF (the mother of the Eritrean revolution). Neither the ELF nor the EPLF was founded by leaders who emerged as a result of a democratic process.  The only genuine and progressive movement in the history of the Eritrean people struggle for independence was ELM’s (Harakat).

Alsayed (2009) states that for the first and perhaps last time in Eritrea’s delicate history, the ELM managed to appeal to Eritrea’s diverse society, united Eritrean Muslims and Christians, Highlanders and Lowlanders, infiltrated institutions including Eritrea’s police force, spread its organisation and mobilisation cells of 7 (famously known and still remembered by our Kebessan counterparts as “mahbar shaw3atte” and in the lowlands/Muslims as “Haraka or Haraket”). Alsayed adds that the ELM’s (Harakat) path for liberation and independence was interrupted and later replaced by the ELF whose leaders were arrogant, intolerant of dissenting views and resorted to subduing opponents by force. This culture of intolerance and lack of democracy had continued until now.

Generally the Eritrean people have suffered over half a century because their leaders are not committed to harmonize Eritrea society. Like the former revolutionary leaders, the current the opposition leaders have still tried to divide the Eritrea society through the formation of ethnic and religious organizations. This is done deliberately to fuel tension between Muslim and Christian as well as within various ethincs to cover up their narrow power struggle.

It is worth noting in connection with the above that histories of the Eritrean independence struggle written by the EPLF and ELF supporters during the liberation struggle and after independence are just propaganda [Example articles written by Woldeyesus Ammar, Fesseha Nairad,   FARJAT Team etc. Both the ELF and EPLF leaders and their supporters never acknowledge the role of the Harakat and of the 1958 general strike in the rebirth of the Eritrean struggle for independence.

Therefore it is timely to mention briefly how the struggle for independence started in the 1940s & 1950s, and to review the consequence of the former revolutionary leaders’ disunity during the liberation struggle which has left its mark on the conduct of  post-independence politics. The purpose of compiling this document is to provide concise background information that will help younger people to have a comprehensive understanding of the contribution of the former revolutionary leaders in prolonging the struggle of the Eritrean people for decades.

It also provides references to re-examine the history of the Eritrean people's struggle for Independence from 1958-1991 which will be useful for people who may not have a background knowledge about the beginning of the armed struggle by the ELF leaders their rivalry with the ELM. This paper also conveys the message that the Eritrean people have been the victims of their political leaders for the past 50 years (1961-2011). The Eritrean people should learn from their past naivety in trusting those former revolutionary leaders and their collaborators.  By their internecine conflicts they set back the victory of the liberation struggle in the 1970s and these still bedevil the opposition leadership.

• Gebre-Medhin , (1989 p72) in his book Peasants and Nationalism in Eritrea states that the legal status of "Occupied Enemy Territory" aside the British were welcomed by the people of Eritrea as liberators from Italian racist and fascist rule. Anticipating self-determination, a group of first generation politicized Eritrean Intelligentisa began to hold meetings. After a few months of discussions in late 1941 they formed a political organ called the Party of Love of Country(PLC) influenced by Western liberal democratic tradtion, the PLC opposed monarchy, feudalism and aristocracy, with the exception of the Abyssiana Coptic Church, Ethiopia had no formal link with Eritrean groups Gebre-Medhin , (1989 p58) gave an explanation for this. According Gebre-Medhin, during the British rule (1941-1952) the Church petitioned the new adminstrators for return of the Church land. The British failed to respond favorably" Only union with Ethiopia and the favour of its traditionall protector, the Emperor of Ethiopia could now restored its property to church. The church became one of the major advocates of union with Ethiopia read more

Addis Abeba-Resident Unionist(source Jelal Yassin)

Intially Mahber Fikri Hager Eritrea (MFH)(Association for the Love of the Country of Eritrea) was formed on 5th of May 1941 to represent the Eritrean society in its daily interaction with the BMA through co-ordinating the relationships between the British Military Administration (BMA) and the Eritrean society. Gebremeskel Woldu (pro Ethiopia for the unity), Woldab Woldemariam (pro independence movement) , and Ibrahim Sultan (pro independence movement) were among its founder (Berketeab 146, Makakis ).

However as a result of the rift  between the pro Ethiopia for the unity of Eritrea with Ethiopian and the pro -independence movement, Woldab Woldemariam (pro independence movement) , and Ibrahim Sultan (pro independence movement) were  resignated (Sorenson,305). Eventually, the resignation of the pro -independence movemen leaders contributed for splitting of the Mahber Fikri Hager. The first signs of the split in the MFH became clear in 1944, when UNIONISTS dominated the association and the independentists started to abandon it.

1946-1949



56th Anniversary of Waala Biet Giorghis

Waa’la Bet Gherghis and The proliferation of political parties


• In October 1946 the BMB lift the ban on political parties and encouraged the institutionalization of political activities. A proposal to reconcile former member of the MFH who had opted for separation from Ethiopia and Unionist within the MFH was proposed by Woldeab and Moslim and Christian notable, and a date was set for Sunday November 23, 1946 to convene an assembly or Waa’la at Bet Giorgis, Asmera. Source (Iyob, 1995:67-68).
• On November 22-26, 1946, a meeting was held   in  Bet Giorgis, Asmara,(locally known as The Waa’la Bet Gherghis the meeting of Bet. Giorgis) to resolve the conflict between the pro Ethiopia for the unity of Eritrea with Ethiopian and the pro -independence movement but it failed, this was because of the Unionist wing of the MFH rejecting Wold-Ab’s proposed compromise which gave a good opportunity for the unity between the Yehager Fikr Mahber and the unionist section of the Mahber Fikri Hage

• Bereketeab also states that both the  Pro-independence  and the Unionist  reached a compromise in  October 1946 to effect the “Eritrea should; be an autonomous state within the framework of the Ethiopian  Empire. This agreement reached due to the absence of the Ethiopian liaison officer Colonel Negga Haile Selassie. On his returned from   Addis Abeba in November 1946 not only the agreement was discarding but the chief advocate of the agreement and the Secretary General of the Unionist Gebremeskel Wold lost his post, Bereketeab  (2000: 180),  Killon (1991: 15]. (source for the photo Jelal Yassin)

• On December 3, 1946, Abune Markos appointed a new leadership consisting of Ras Kidanemariam Ghebremeskel (Honorary President), Dejazmact Beyne Beraki ( President, and Saleh Ahmed Kekiya ( Vice-president) and Ato Tedla Bairu as Secretary   General, Fitawrair Taha Adem (Treasurer and Fitawrari Harego Abay ( Deputy Assistant Secretary).

• 	In reaction to the campaign union of Eritrea with Ethiopia, Ibrahim Sultan, called a meeting of all   Moslem Communities to consider the question of Eritrea’s future in December 1946
  	The Independence Progress Party IPP also known as the Liberal Progressive Party (LLP) was  established in Adi Kheih for the creation of an independent Eritrean government.  Ras Tesemma Asberom was elected President, Dejazmatch Maascio Zewede as Vice-president,  and Grazmatch Seyoum Maascio as Secretary –General.rom note no.3 pp 38-39 Killion, 1997]

• The Eritrean Liberal Progressive Party (ELPP) was formed at Adi Caieh on 18 February 1947 and was led by Ras Tessema Asmerom, Sieum Maccio was its Secretary General. Its members have to have been born in Eritrea. Among its progressive program was getting a long-term loan from the UN, rising taxation, developing fish, salt and mining industries and improving livestock through cross breeding. It also aimed to suspend further migration to Eritrea
  _____________________
  Source: Emergence of political parties in Eritrea 1941 - 1950
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• Ras Tesemma Asberom, one of the great Eritrean leaders for independence
  
  On February 18, 1947 the Liberal Progressive Party (Independence and Progress Party: Eritrea for Eritreans) was established in Adi Keih. Ras Tesemma Asberom was elected President, Dejazmatch Maascio Zewede as Vice-president, and Grazmatch Seyoum Maascio as Secretary. Ras Tesemma announced in his opening speech that the goal of the Party was the creation of independent Eritrea free of any European control. He added “This country belongs to Christians and Moslems and for thousands of years we lived in harmony with respective religions and helped each other. Today we express our desire and that of our people for independence: He objected to the role of the Coptic Church in political affairs. Referring to the failure of Waa’la Bet Ghiorgis, he said “ The Waa’la was intended as a forum where we could resolve our differences was disrupted. This disruption was legitimized by religious leaders who intervened in public affairs”. Ibrahim Sultan and Abdul Kadir Kebire from the Muslim League (ML) attended the founding conference. One month later a branch of Party was formed in Mendefera, Seraye. The leaders were Dejac Sebahtu Yohannes (president), Atzmatch Berhe Gebre Kidan (Vice-President) and Gratazmatch Asberom Wolde Ghiorgis – Secretary. Source: Eritrean Struggle for Independence by Ruth Eyob
  When the independence Bloc was formed in Dekemhare on February 10, 1950 Ras Tesemma Asberom was elected President and Ibrahim Sultan Secretary General. The family of Ras Tesemma and the members of the Progressive Liberal Party were harassed by the unionists. There were many assassination attempts on Woldeab Woldemaraim one of the prominent
• 
  Source: Emergence of political parties in Eritrea 1941 - 1950
• A British survey of 1947 claimed the population was divided as follows: 44.8% Unionist;
  40.5% Muslim League; 9.2% Pro-Italy; 4.4% Liberal Progresive (pro-Independence) [Source ]

• In July 1948 the Moslem League were regrouping in Asmara and formed a  coalation with a Kebessa political party the Liberal Progressive Party (LPP).  Ibrahim Sultan and Seyoum Masscio, the LPP leader, then drafted a document  and sent it by registered airmail to the UN.

• By 1947 Colonel Negga Haile Selassei, the Ethiopian Crown's representative in Asmera not only co-ordinated Unionist activity but was involved in bribery, intimidation and violence (Sorenson, 1991:305).
•  In August of 1948 the BMA's chief civil affairs staff officers was contemplating taking " action against  Tedla Bairu and others, for the escalation of intimidation and violence"  against pro-independence parties and individualist (Gebre-Medhin 1989:157p.)
• Regarding the political violence against the pro-independence party leaders and intolerance by the UP  leaders, (Iyob, 1995:72) stated that, the UP’s new Secretary General, Tedla Bairu, proved to be  authoritarian and intolerant. He was ruthless in eliminating opposition to the union with Ethiopia  and attacked aggressively the ML and LLPs platform.

• For example Ato Woldeab Woldemariam suffered severe wounds from an attempted murder on July 7, 1947.  In August of 1948 the BMA's chief civil affairs staff officers was contemplating taking " action against  Tedla Bairu and others, for the escalation of intimidation and violence"  against pro-independence parties and individualist (Gebre-Medhin 1989:157p.). There was also five assassination attempts on Knzmaa Berhzanu  Hmdyn who was one of the founder  of the Moslem League on 03/12/1946.

• The New Eritrea Party was founded, as the New Eritrea Pro-Italy Party, on September 29, 1947 by members of the Eritrea War Veterans Association and the Italo-Eritrean Association. The party advocated Italian trusteeship over Eritrea in preparation for full Eritrean national independence.[1] Omar Mohammed Baduri was the president of the party, Blatta Mohamed Abdella Ali the vice presiden. In May 1949 the party changed its name to 'New Eritrea Party'. At the same time it reformulated its agenda, supporting immediate independence. The party sought to build an alliance with the Moslem League. In June 1949 the party became a member of the Independence Bloc. The Independence Bloc called for immediate independence of Eritrea within its 1936 borders Readmore.
• By 1949, there were nine Eritrean political organizations. Only one, the Unionist Party which was fully financed and supported by the Haile Sellassie regime, pushed for unity with Ethiopia. The rest, in one form or another, fought for the independence of Eritrea and eventually formed the Eritrean Independence Bloc with Ibrahim Sultan at the head. Read more

The proliferation of political parties


Source: Redie Bereketeab, 2000, p.148 [fig.1]

Despite all the intimidation, by the Unionist, the independence block group such as the ML, LPP, NPW, and NEPIP had never stop from demanding independence when the Four Power Commission of the UN visited Eritrea between November 7, 1947 and January 3, 1948.  The anti- unionist movement and pro-independence formed a coalition  known as the Independence Bloc(IB) on July 1949,with the aim  of immediate independence of Eritrea and establishment of a democratic government.

The Independece Bloc was a coalition of several parties espousing independence for Eritrea. In 1949, Abdulkadier Kebira was chosen as Independece Bloc deligate to UN.

Abdel Kadir Kebire,  who was first vice president (1941-46) of the Mahaber Feqri Hager(MFH) and President of the ML-Asmara  branch, was assassinated on March 30, 1949 on the eve of his departure to attend the meeting  in Lake Success, New York, as well attacked on Dedjazmach Hassan Ali of the Moslem League by Unionists (Spencer, 1984:197). This was because of the of UP intolerance. [find more information about Shifta in the 1940s]
Abdulkadir Kebire believed that only through education  and unity can a people control their own destiny.
Abdulkader Kebire  who was a businessman funded many charitable projects including one for the establishment of a technical school in Mai Dshto in Akria, Asmara (Gabeel Team, 2005). Sheikh Abdulkader Kebire(1902 - 1949 )  who became a controversy by calling for the education of women, something, which was a taboo in those days. He believed that only by education and unity can a people be masters of their own destiny. These messages were his vehicle to the world of politics.

• The disintegration took place within the ML and the LPP which weakned both the coalition and the independence  movement. Example, Liberal Unionist Party led by  Dedjazmatch Abrah Tessema, who supported a conditional union  after receiving assurances from Ethiopia that the Eritreans would be left alone to manage their own affairs, and the Independent  Eritrea United to Ethiopia Party (previously Independent Eritrea Party) split from the LLP. The Liberal Unionist Party led by Dedjazmatch Abrah Tessema, split from the LLP.

• According Markakis' book, NATIONAL AND CLASS CONFLICT IN THE HORN OF AFRICA in the western lowlands, 'a considerable proportion of the representatives of the aristocratic classes were in favor of union with Ethiopia, though some of them admitted that they left the Muslim League because it had promised their serfs more rights…' (FPC, Eritrea, 1948:120] Gebre-Medhin(1989 p155) also states that a variety of forces, representing disparate  political, economic and cutltural groupings was incorporated in the coalition(serfs, aristocrats, religious leaders and urban middle class). Consequently, when the serf-dominated Moslem League advocated the independence and emancipation of the serfs many of the members from the aristocratic class abandoned the Independece Bloc and supported union with Ethiopia. Example: Sheikh Ali  Radai and Mohammed Idris Adem.

Sheikh Ali Rada /Idris Mohammed

A. Sheikh Ali  Radai  leader of the National Party of Massawa who opposed Ibrahim Sultan’s leadership also split afrom the ML  and established  a separate party, the Independent Moslem League and joined  the unionist camp (Iyob, 1995:77)
B.Mohammed Idris Adem(the founder of the ELF in 1960), and other groups of the nobility from the feudal Moslem landowners realized they were dominated by the serf emancipation movement seceded from the Moslem League. Following this, Kentebai Osman Hidad of Rora and Diglel Gelani of Beni Amer approached the Four Power Power Commision, pledging their support for a union with Ethiopia.

The movement for independence had its origins in the `serf emancipation movement' formed in 1942 to organize for liberation of the ogre from the rule of the nabeab and shumagulle, the aristocratic clans of the west and north. The movement was encouraged by the British and was a reaction to the blocked process of change during the Italian period. In brief, the pastoralists in the west and north (the Bani Amir and Habab being the most numerous) were divided into `aristocrats' and `serfs' with the dominant position of the former based on an historic claim of conquest over the indigenous peoples.The aristocratic clan livied tax on their conquered subjects who payed a range of dues and provided services in return for protection. (Pool, 1983). Read more

Source Eritrea and Ethiopia: the federal experience:p.108

This picture is a depiction of the Wa"la Betgiogis , that is so much talked about before the beginnings of party organization in Eritrea. The Bishop, as the Metropolitan for Tigray and Eritrea was considered as part of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church , whose head was the Emperor, had diplomatic immunity according to the terms of Italian surrender to the British Military Administration. As a result, he was not entitled to participate in any poltical activity. As a result, the governor, General Longrig , sentenced him to a year of house imprisonment, so he could officiate at the Church, his priestly duties and then return home. Kennedy Trevaskis, as the politcal officer was in charge of enforcing the judgment of the Governor. The faces of most of the people in the crod are recognizable and are dfinitely members of the Andnet group. On the lower leftis Dej. Zerom Kifle, the 5th on front is Dej. Gebreyohannes Tesfamariam, ; next to him is the lawyer, Misghina Almedom. The abun Marksos can be easily identified, with the one to his left is Ra"si Kidanemariam; and Keshi Dimetros Ghebremariam can be seenon the third row and is the 3rd from the left. An effort could be done to recognize most of them preset. The same picture was published in "Zemen" with the names of everyone present identified. Source taken from (Taken from the comment FB Posting by Habte Teclemariam

.Generally, in the late 1940s, these political leaders of Moslem League such as Mohammed Idris Adem who split from League joined the Unionist party, instead of working together with the Ibrahim Sultan for Eritrean independence.

According to Jordan Gebre-Medhin, out of a total of 42 Central Committee members of the Unionist Party, 22 were Moslems. Jordan Gebre-Medhinadds that it is wrong to assume that the Unionist Party at the leadership level was predominantly Christian. At the same time,only in Massawa was the Unionist Party supported by a local ruling class. In any case power in the Unionist Party was not exercised by the Party's ruling body but by its elected officials, who were handpicked by the Ethiopian Liaison officer in Asmara and were presented to the Central Committee for automatic approval. Those were Tedla Bairu; Sa id Ahmed Hayote, Fit Tahr Adem and Fit Hargot Abbey, who served as General Secretary, Vice Secretary, Treasure and Vice Treasure respectively.

The most powerful of this group, Ato Tedla Bairu made his entry into Unionist politics preceding the waala Bet Giorgis Conference and acquired fame and his zealous sabotage of the Waala's efforts at peace and reconcilation [Source Jordan Gebre-Medhin 1989: pp118-119]

• As a result of the disunity of the political leaders and splitting within the Independence Bloc, finally the Independence Bloc changed its name to the Eritrean Democratic Front (EDF), 1950s.  [see fig. 1]. On 2 December 1950 the UN adopted Resolution 390A(V) which provided that Eritrea Would become a federation with Ethiopia on September 11, 1952.

On July 10, 1952, the Eritrean Constitution was approved by the Assembly and  Emperor Haile Selessaie ratified the Federal Act (the central core of UN resolution 390 V) which establishing the federation on September 11, 1952. The federation became formal with Ato Tedla Bairu as the chief executive of the Eritrean government. However, on September 30, 1952, Proclamation number 130 was issued by Emperor, declaring the federal Ethiopian court to be the territory's final court of appeal. This was in violation of Articles 85 and 90 of the Eritrean Constitution which was approved by the Assembly on July 10, 1952.

1.The Workers Syndicate of Eritrea was founded with the help of Ato Wolde-Ab Woldemariam in late 1952. According Gebre-Medhin, (1989:171) the veteran workers and agitator Aldo Mafess, and another member of the Italian Communist Party, Carlo Bregaro played important roles in the formation of the Syndicate. Gebre-Medhin adds that the Syndicate was a political as well as a trade-union organization which played a great role in the Workers' strikes and boycotts to frustrate Ethiopia's ambition in Eritrea. Gebre-Medhin adds that during this period the self-employed tailors also formed an underground organization.  The workers (dock and railroad workers) defended democratic rights such as strikes, demonstrations and associations enshrined in the Eritrean constitution.

As extension of the September 30, 1952 violation of the Eritrean Constitution in 1953, the Empire tightened its control by passing a law that required all males in urban areas to carry identity card at all time. In protesting against this on May 25, 1953, Omar Kadi, jurist , former President of the IML, and editor of the pro-unionist newspaper Andinet'nMe'belnaan/Union e Progresso(Union and Progress) was one of the few members of the Eritrean Assembly to lodge a letter of protest to the President of the Assembly. By September 1953, oppostion movement were beginning to emerge ( Negash, 1997:85). In October 1953, all parties, with the exception of the Unionist Party, made an appeal to the U.N., requesting this body to insure respect of the Federal Resolution.

All the above organizations took an active role in the resistance against the violations of the Federal Constitution between 1952 and1958. For example between 1954 and 1956 sporadic student strikes were common, especially in Asmara.

• On May 22, 1954 a resolution condemning " Ethiopian interference in Eritrean affairs" was adopted by the Eritrean Parliament, with numerous Unionist deputies voting in favour of the resolution. (Bimbi, 1982:179)

The weekly Voice of Eritrea (Dehai Eritrea)became the principal channel through which actions of the Ethiopian government and their impact on Eritrea's autonomy and constitution were discussed. The paper's first appeared one week after the inauguration of the Federation. In its inaugural issue of September 21, 1952 the Voice of Eritrea advised its reader that it was no longer the voice of the M.L., rather the voice of all Eritreans, a non-sectarian and non-denominational weekly open to all views.

Since Woldeab's Hanti Eritrea had ceased publication, the Voice absorbed some of the editorial that worked with Hanti-Eritrea. The Voice's editor was Mohamed Said Mohamed, its staff writers included Sirji Abdu and Elias Teklu. Until it was shut down two year later in 1954, the Voice of Eritrea was fearless champion of Eritrea's Consitution and autonomy [Tekie p41]

In the year 1954, the publisher of "Dehai Eritrea" Mahmoud Saleh was imprisoned and a contributor to the newspaper and writer Elias Teklu was also imprisoned by the government of Ethiopia which later is charged for life imprisonment. Elias Amare Gebrezgheir on December 17, 2001 wrote . Dehai Eritra entered the stage with gusto and started to write provocatively critical articles pertaining to the government of Eritrea’s activities. Its editor was Hussien Seid Hayoti (for a while Mohammed Said Mohammed was also the editor) and it was a weekly newspaper written in Tigrinya and Arabic, with a smattering of Italian articles occasionally. Two of its brilliant writers of the early period were Elias Teklu and Siraj Abdu. Elias Teklu was later imprisoned for his vigorous defense of the democratic constitutional rights of Eritreans and was taken to Ethiopia were he languished in prison for some years and finally joined the rank of the earlier martyrs. One article of the early period was titled “wshTawi naSnet iertras nabey abilu Kon iyu zguAz zelo” (Whither the internal autonomy of Eritrea?); another expose under the title of  “qunqune ab hnSa mengsti iertra” (termites inside the structure of Government of Eritrea) warned against corruption of power of the Baito representatives [Read more]

One of the several articles  that alarmed the Eritrean and Ethiopian government was an article by Elias Teklu. The two-part article was entitled “Stagnation or Progress” In the two part article Elias drew a comparison between Eritrea’constitutional government and Ethiopian’s monarchy. The editors was warned several times, said the Secretary, but continued to publish tendentious materials “until the paper was closed” Even after the paper had won the first court  battle the constitutionalty of closing  the paper in the first place was kept alive in the Assembly. Ibrahim Sultan reminded Tedla Bairu that suppressing the paper was unconstitutional, a breach of Articles 22 and 30. Elias Teklu was sentenced to five years of jail time [pp47-48]
Source Tekie Fessehatzion A brief encounter with Democracy: From acquiescence to Resistance during Eritrea’s early Federation Years Eritrean StudiesReview  vol.2 no.2 1998

In 1957 the Ethiopian  government  in order to restrict the progressive education system in Eritrea took  the first step  by  replaventuacing  Tiginya and Arabic the official Eritrean languages guaranteed by the federal act with  Amharic ( the Official language of Ethiopia). Killion (1997:53) the student ) demonstration occurred May 9 against the imposition of Amharic as the school's language of instruction. Among its leaders was Tuku'e Yehedego a soccer star , who achieved fame by 'heading' the police commander, he later helped organize the ELM in Asmara. [Read Mysterious death of Tuku'e ]

Thereafter,  all the school textbooks and other documents which had been  written in Tigrigna   were burnt [11],  by the Ethiopian government.  Yohannes Zeggai  documented it as follows.

“A greater part of the books, together with other documents, were burned in 1963 in the industrial  oven of the Matches Factory in Asmara. The same took place at the Ceramic Factory in Asmara. Private collections were also gathered and destroyed in similar fashion”    (Negash , p10)

In 1957, the Ethiopian government also banned trade unions, closed many Eritrean industries, dismantled Eritrean factories and moved them to the capital city of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa. In consequence, the number of workers in Eritrea declined from 32,400 (27,000 Eritreans; 5,400 Italians) to 10, 350(10,000 Eritrean; 350 Italian) (Kidane, 1999)

Following is an excerpt from "The Eritrean Workers' Orgnization and early National Mobilization 1948-1958 by Tom Killion]

The 1958 General Strike was inteded to be nationwide, but the major organization drive was in Asmara, where the HZSKSE had its strongst ties[ HZSKSE=Hara Zekhone Semret Kefletat Serahtenyatat Eritrawiyan, officially translated into English as the "Syndicate of Free Eritrean Workers. Wolde-Ab also advised that workers change the organisation's name to HZSKSE when the BA approved the new organisation in January 1958.]

Although the strike call was honored by some workers in Massawa and Keren, the repression of the preceding months made the majority of Muslims in these cities wary of public confrontations with the police, and demonstrations took place in Masswa only on March 14 and 15. In Asmara, however, the strike committee planned a massive public demonstration at the Monophysite (Tewahdo) Cathdral of Kidist Mariam. Tho plan called for a march the Cathedral plaza, Piazza Selama, where the workers would pray for their demands to be recognized. Through the HZSKSE's network of local trade unions, the strike committed mobilized 700 bicycle-mounted workers wearing white armbands to actas its peace guards"(selam zabenyatat) and assure public order and reduce the possiblility of violent confrontations. As a word of strike spread through the city during the weekend, it was greeted with an outpouring of support.

On Monday morning, March 10, no shops or businesses opened in Asmara and an Italian journalist reported that the city was "paralyzed". During the morning a "disciplined" crowd estimated at 80,000 gathered in the Piazza Selama to hear speeches from labor leaders describing the purpose of the strike and the promised appearance of the Eritrean Chief executive to explain the government's postion. On Tuesday morning, a second demonstration was held at the Cathedral.

Tedla Ogbit & Goitom Gebrezgh

In November 1958 there was  another  two-week general strike of workers, students, and self- employed  which paralyzed Eritrea . This strike called by the underground Eritrean Labor Union Federation protesting the violations and coercion took place in all major Eritrean cities but it was suppressed by force which caused for the death of 88 demonstrators and 450 wounded, and thousands were jailed. Killion added that the  General strike was participated by the workers included the Young Federalists, the Muslim Youth League  and the Asmara high school students led by Tuku'e Yehedego ( Killion, 1997: 40).

Raid (2011, 156) cited Tom Killon has suggested the Eritrean labour movement was in the vanguard of protest in mid-late 1950s. Raid adds that workers' protest culminated in the general strike of 1958 which was violently crushed by the Ethiopia security force, and although ostensibly the strike was concerned with workers' rights in reality it represented the crystallization of political protest against the undermining of Eritrean autonomy and civil rights more broadly.

In protesting against this in  March and April 1958, eighteen prominent citizens including Omar Kadi (note) were arrested for sending  a telegram to the UN Secretary-General protesting against Ethiopian violations of UN Resolution 390A(V).  As a result, coercion   of the Eritrean people by the Ethiopian government and the four days’ general strike   which greatly contributed in raising political awareness that led to the rebirth of Eritrean nationalism.

As a result of this, in late 1950s there were high migration of Eritreans to Ethiopia ( see fig 2), this was when the Ethiopian Emperor had a policy to modernize Ethiopia by devitalize Eritrea's economy. This was more exacerabated after the Ethiopian government’s suppression of the four days General Strike in 1958 which caused 88 deaths and 440 wounded, and closed of many industries. As a consequence of this supprestion, there were also 30, 000 workers migrated to Saudi Arabia, and 20,000 workers to Sudan ( Mengisteab, 2005:305). According to Yohannes (1993:7) annexation killed Eritrea's economic dynamism if only because of the pillage that took place. Wholesale factories were disassembled and reassembled in Shoa. The pillage was one of the motors of modernisation of the Ethiopian economy in the 1950s. Cbaac (2008) also adds Federation was imposed against the will of the people in order to entertain imperialist's interest. Federation with Ethiopia brought with it, organized crimes, terrorizing and murdering Eritrean political party leaders, dismantling the remaining industries and forced poverty upon the Eritrean people.

The once urbanised Eritrean population, who originally came from rural areas, could not return to the countryside, because the skills which they acquired during the period of Italian colonial rule and British administration could not be applied in the rural areas. Consequently, most Eritrean skilled workers started migrating to Ethiopia to seek for work, to reunite with families, to obtain opportunities for further education and to establish businesses.

Most Eritrean skilled workers who arrived between 1957 and 1975 in Ethiopia succeeded in securing jobs in road construction, transportation service and in the food and textile manufacturing industries. In the late 1960s Eritrea was among the main sources of students for the university in Ethiopia. Erlich (1983), who was lecturer at the University of Addis Ababa, observed that the proportion of Eritreans at this University was higher than of Ethiopians in the early 1970s, which might be attributed to the higher standard of education in Eritrea during the federation period. The strong enrollment of Eritreans for higher education was not limited to Ethiopia. In the 1960s there were  also more than 300 Eritrean students pursuing higher education in Cairo and at the American University in Beirut. 800 or so enrolled in the institutions of higher learning in Ethiopia.

Once  the students had gained qualifications in Ethiopia or overseas, they had wider opportunities than their Ethiopian  counterparts. Most of them secured better jobs in the private and public sectors.  Many modern organizations employed a disproportionate number of Eritreans in jobs that included  the Ethiopian Airlines, Telecommunications, Ethiopia Electric Light  and  Power Authority (EELPA),  the Air Force, banks, hospitals and other public sectors.   As a legacy of  the Eritrean federal government educational system in the early 1960s, Eritrea had a sizeable intelligentsia at an intermediate professional  level. 

Spencer(1984: 303) also states that Eritreans came to Ethiopia in such numbers that they gradually dominated the Ethiopian Air Force and the police, 40 percent of the Army officer corps, much of telecommunications and nearly 100 percent of the taxi drivers in Addis Ababa. From 1952 to 1966, a considerable number of Eritrean polit- ical activists and their sympathisers fled to Sudanese border towns and elsewhere to escape harassment, intimidation, and persecution (Kibreab, 2000:254).

In the late 1950s the Eritrean people began to search for an   alternative way to challenge the Ethiopian policy of coercion.   This generated Christian-Moslem co-operation, leading to the emergency of a "modern nationalist underground political movement led by the Eritrean Liberation Movement (ELM ) Bereketeab(2000:170).

On 2 November 1958, five-eight young Eritreans, among them Mohamed Said Nawud, Saleh Ahmed  Eyay,Yasin-el Gade, Mohammed el- Hassan, and Omar Gonahta met at Mohammed Saed Nawd’s house at Hay Al-Transit in Port Sudan and formed the Eritrean Liberation Movement (ELM – Mahber Shew'ate)  that spread all over Eritrea within a short time to conducted resistance to Ethiopian authority in Eritrea

According to Gebre-Medhin, Mahber Mahber Shew'ate (Union of Seven) began to coordinate the various sectors of Eritrean struggle in the urban areas of Eritrea as well as Ethiopia. The Eritrean Liberation Movement (Harakat) played a great role in organizing, raising national consciousness through distributing leaflets, and its annual student demonstrations in the main cities.

Mohammed Saeed Nawed was the founding leader of Eritrean Liberation Movement (ELM), which he launched along with his comrades of the time in November 1958. The ELM was the first ever movement that brought together the politically, socially, culturally and regionally divided Eritreans under one movement and cause: the total liberation of Eritrea from Ethiopian occupation and the establishment of an inclusive national democratic system of governance (Arkokabay Team, 2010)

The founder of the ELM, all Moslems, were conscious of the harmful effects of the religious divisions which had pitted Christian against Moslem in the 1940s. (Iyob 100). From the outset, the ELM's leaders attempted to overcome the religious hostilty fanned by the Ethiopian and Eritrean Coptic Churches in the competition for power during the British Administration, Ioyb added.Mohamed Said Nawud, the principal leader, had contacts with the Sudanese Communist Party(SCP), which at that time was one of the best organized of such groups in black Africa.(Iyob, 1995:99). The goal of the movement was ‘to wrest the administration of the Eritrean people from Ethiopia by various means ( Markakis 1987: 107). After Salih, Yasin and Mohammed el-Hassan returned to Eritrea from the meeting of Haraket which was held on 2 November 1958.

Salih Iyay became the representative of Harakat in Keren, Yasin was stationed in Asmara represented
Kebesa and Mohammed el-Hassan went to Asab. The founder of the ELM, all Moslems, was conscious of the harmful effects of the religious divisions which had pitted Christian against Moslem in the 1940s. (Iyob 100). From the outset, the ELM's leaders attempted to overcome the religious hostility fanned by the Ethiopian and Eritrean Coptic Churches in the competition for power during the British Administration, Ioyb added.

Mohamed Said Nawud, the principal leader, had contacts with the Sudanese Communist Party(SCP), which at that time was one of the best organized of such groups in black Africa.(Iyob, 1995:99). The goal of the movement was ‘to wrest the administration of the Eritrean people from Ethiopia by various means ( Markakis 1987: 107). Markakis adds that as a model for the organization they chose the cell structure used by the Sudanese Communist Party. He adds that cells of seven members were formed, and each member was instructed to recruit six others to form a new sell. Thus movement spread amoeba-like in the towns of Eritrea. To avoid the sectarian divisions that had marked Eritrean political activities in the 1940s, the ELM activists set out to recruit within the urban Christian community, stressing, in the words of the preamble to the ELM status, that “ Muslims and Christians are brothers, and their unity makes Eritrea one “ (Markakis also added that Christian response was encouraging, and the movement became known among them as Mahber Shew'ate (Association of Seven)

• The first clandestine cells of Mahber Shew'ate (Association of Seven) were established by Yasin el-Gade(a tailor from Asmara) after he returned to Asmara, Tuku'e Yihidego and Kahasai Balbi

Alsayed (2009) states that for the first and perhaps last time in Eritrea’s delicate history, the ELM managed to appeal to Eritrea’s diverse society, united Eritrean Muslims and Christians, Highlanders and Lowlanders, infiltrated institutions including Eritrea’s police force, spread its organisation and mobilisation cells of 7 (famously known and still remembered by our Kebessan counterparts as “mahbar shaw3atte” and in the lowlands/Muslims as “Haraka or Haraket”). By April 1959 clandestine cells had been established almost all Eritrean towns and the first conference of the ELM were held in Asmara in 1960. According to Ammar (2004) there were 40 participants including:  Mohammed Saed Nawd, the ELM co-founder-leader, Salih Iyay, Yassin Uqda, Adem Melekin, Mohammed  Burhan Hassen, Ali Berhatu, Tiku’e Yihdego, Kahsai Bahlbi, Mohammed Omar Akito, Abdulkeri Before the conference Salih Iyay was stationed in Keren represented Senihit, Sahel, Baraka and Gash m Saed Qasim, Sheikh Saddadin Mohammed, Khiyar Hassen Beyan.  whereas Yasin was stationed in Asmara represented Kebesa. After the conference Asmara became the centre and Yasin, Tuku'e and Mohammed Birhane led the movement ( Bereketeab, 2000:220)

In the process of the Eritrean struggle for independence, the Mahber Shew'ate or Haarakat had contributed a great deal to narrowing the rift between Christian and Moslem, which had been developed by the Unionists in the 1940s; through employing the slogan “Muslims and Christian are brothers, and their unity makes Eritrea one”The founder of the ELM, all Moslems, were conscious of the harmful effects of the religious divisions which had pitted Christian against Moslem in the 1940s. (Iyob, 1995:100). According to Killion (1998:142) the ELM started recruiting Eritreans under the policy that Moslem and Christian is brother in Eritrea, Ethiopa, Sudan and Saudia Arabia. according to (Arkokabay Team, the ELM was a unique movement of its time. It had overcome the religious division between Eritreans; the polarisation that was instilled by the Ethiopian monarch of the time: Haile-Sellassie I and some Church leaders in Eritrea, such us the infamous “Qeshi Dimitros”, who intimidated and lured Eritrean Christians towards preferring union with “Christian Ethiopia” to “Independent Eritrea composed of Christians and Muslims”. The ELM challenged and defeated this fear and mistrust and managed to unite Eritrean Muslims and Christians to fight for their self-determination and independence 2010)

The ELM members included Eritrean police officers, civil servants, intellectuals and merchants among many other professional categories. ELM’s priority was to first raise the Eritrean people’s national political awareness that can then be used to launch a popular revolution to oust Ethiopian occupation (Arkokabay Team, 2010).

Iyob (1995: 102) also states that in addition to the participation of students and workers, artists and musicians joined the underground conglomerate of radical nationalism. The Mahber Teatre Asmara(MTA), a cultural association, was established in 1961 by singers, composers, poets, and university students returning from the Haile Selassie I university in Addis Ababa. Plays, singers, and stand-up comics satirized the federal scheme and warned against the evils of "alien" cultures. Shigey Habuni, a popular song of the mid-1960s, is an example of the creative nationalism resonanting within the population.

In 1959, the ELM sent Tahir Ibrahim to contact them but he was met with suspicion verging on hostility, except Wolde Abe Wolde Mariam, who later agreed to become  the movement’s representative in Egypt (Markakis 1987:107). In connection with this, Killion (1998:433) wrote that the sectarian politics of most of the Muslim exile community in Cairo left Woldeab isolated until 1959. With the rise of the secular Eritrean Liberation Movement ( ELM) whose labour-oriented political programme coincided with Woldeab as own political vision, he returned to political activity serving  as the ELM's Cairo representative.

Following is an excerpt from The Eritrean struggle for independence by Iyob, Ruth (1995: 103).

The ELM redoubled its efforts to publicize its existence and obtain outside recognition and support after it failed to obtain the backing of the exiled Eritrean politiciands in Sudan, Egypt, Somalia, and Saudi Arabia. But before the ELM's coup could be mounted the establishment of a new organization in 1960 -the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF)- by former political leaders in exile further complicated the simple strategy of liberation by coup espoused by the ELM. Thus while the first ELM Congress was held in Asmaera in September 1960 to discuss the "necessity of armed struggle" in the event of a failed coup the erosion of the fragile unity nurtured by the ELM was already well underway, spearheaded by the ELF under Idris M.Adem. All this occurred during the 1959-1961 period; in the meantime, the ELM had the political field within Eritrea much to itself.

Sheikh Ali Rada

Idris Mohammed

Ibrahim Sultan

Furthermore, According to Markakis ( 1987:107) Tahir returned to Cairo with the same mission in 1960,  only to meet with unconcealed hostility this time from the exile led by the former president of the Eritrean Assembly, Idris Mohammed Adem who was then in the process of organizing the  Eritrean Liberation Front ( ELF)

In the furtherance of sectarian politics,Idris Mohammed Adem led the creation of a new organization, known as the ELF in 1960. without political program and organizational accountability, the leaders of the ELF believed that mandate had been bestowed upon them during the time of political struggle in the 1940s and 1950s.

Idris Mohammed Adem and some of the students in Cairo established the Eritrean Liberation Front, in July 1960. Idris Mohammed Adem, Idris Osman Gelawdewos, Mohammed Saleh Humed, Seid Hussein Adem, Mohammed Ali Akte, Taha Mohammednur and many others joined together to form the Eritrean Liberation Front and declared that the movement is an armed struggle against Ethiopian colonialism. The above mentioned individuals were also elected as the executive committee of the front. Idris Mohammed Adem as the chairman and Idris Gelawediwos were elected as the vice- president of the front. In the following year, Osman Saleh Sabe from Jeddah joined the committee upon the request of Idris Mohammed Adem. On arrival, Sabe called for the abolishment of the executive committee and since he had some knowledge of foreign affairs, both Idris Gelawediwos and Idris Mohammed Adem accepted his request and dissolved the committee. After that Idris Mohammed Adem and Osman Saleh Sabe entitled themselves as the leaders of the Eritrean Liberation Front.(Winta Woldeyesus,06 August 2010 )

They therefore believed that newly emerging political forces had no legitimacy. Moreover, their view that the Eritrean arena could not accommodate more than one organization (Bereketeab, 2000:184). The object of their political and armed campaigns was not only Ethiopia but also the ELM ( Harakat). Because of this motivation the ELF leaders launched the armed struggle on 1st September 1961 under the leadership of Idris Hamid Awate. Raid (2011:159) states that the ELM was denounced by the exiled leaders in Cairo, who had established the ELF, they rejected the ELM as communist (they claimed) a cover for the Ethiopia security force

According to Negash(1994:138) By the end of 1962 there were three political organisations based in Egypt carrying out political campagins against the incorporations of Eritrea into Ethiopia and supplying arms to the armed band led by Idris -el-Awate. The first organisation was the United Party of the Eritrea Democratic Front which was an umbrella organisation. This was a direct successor of the Moslem League, and since it was led by lbrahim Sultan and Idris Nur. Negash adds that although both lbrahim Sultan and Idris Nur describe themselves as member of the Eritrea Islamic Party, they also added that they belonged to the Coalition Democratic Front and the Eritrean Political Delegation Abroad [the Coalition Democratic Front was made up of the Eritrea Islamic Party and other seven coalition parties composed of Christians and Moslems;] the seconforganisation was the ELF led Idris Mohammed Adam, Idris Osman Geladewos and Osman Saleh Sabbe.The third was the Eritrea Liberation Movement[ELM or Harrakat]led by Mohamed Saleh Nawd and Woldeab Woldemariam

Initially the goal of the ELM was to stage a coup to overthrow the federal government and declare Eritrea's independence. However when the ELM began to face both the hostility of the rival ELF and the threat to its existence from the empire, in 1961 the ELM ( Harakat) declared its aim to launch an armed struggle to liberate Eritrea. The ELM leaders finally decided to establish a military presence in Eritrea to advance the cause of Eritrean nationalism under conditions of secular politics. In 1962, the ELM leadership was able to convince thirty policemen to leave their posts with their weapons in order to form the nucleus of the armed struggle. However, they were quickly encircled by the Ethiopian security forces and their effort was extinguished ( Mengisteab 2005:41). Furthermore, according Negash (2005:138) the activities of the ELM were first discovered in Addis Ababa toward the end of 1962.

The ELM's decision to launch an armed struggle came too late for two reasons. The first was that the open discord between the ELM and the ELF had alerted the Ethiopian government to the threat of organized opposition. Secondly, in consequence, official surveillance became more acute, making the underground resistance's operations more difficult to carry out. As a result of the ELF leaders' unwillingness to work with the ELM ( Harakat) for a common goal, the ELM in 1963 began procuring arms for its intended armed struggle. ELM cells were reactivated and proceeded to procure arms to recruit fighters, but the organization soon discovered that many cells had already been infiltrated by ELF. The rivalry with the ELF made the ELM''s preparation more difficult ( Iyob, 1995:104 -105)

Despite this warning the ELM leaders dispatched a force of 50 armed men to the Sahel to fight the Ethiopians in May 1965, and six the ELM ( Harakat) armed forced were killed by an armed contingent from the ELF force at Ela Tsada in 1965 (Mengisteab, 2005; Bereketeab, 2000; Patemem 1990, Paice 1994, Iyob 1995, Shinn 2004). This was happened due to the ELF Supreme Council decided to take military action against the movement. Among the dead was the group's leader,Mohammed Saleh a former policeman

The Supreme Council of the ELF decided to liquidate the ELM'S military wing in 1965.The ELF portrayed itself as the logical extension of the ELM's urban-based resistance and justified its brutal elimination of the ELM in 1965 as a necessary step (Iyob, 1995:112). The ELM's achievements were
appropriated by the ELF, which presented itself as a sole liberation front dedicated to bringing independence through armed struggle. Bereketeab ( 2000:185) states that many believe that the legacy of this military action set the precedent for the later civil wars between the Eritrean organizations. Mengisteab ( 2005:41) adds that this marked the beginning of the bloody civil war in Eritrea that was going to haunt the nation for decades.

Furthermore Mohammed Ibrahim Bahdurai who was among the first the ELF fighters with Idris Awate, his attitude toward eliminate of Harak is not different from what Ahemed Nasser said. Mohammed Ibrahim Bahdurai in the interview with Nhrent, he said that the ELF’s success against the armed bands of the ELM was welcomed by all nationalists because everyone knew that the presence of more than one organization in the country would invite divisions based not on political line but on the backward regional and confessional sentiments. This is a contraversion to what Iyob mentioned on her book; according to Iyob(1995: 98) The urban-based ELM used secularization as a strategy to reconcile the moslem-christian schism. However, the ELM's attempt at secularization was stymied by the formation of a rival organization, the ELF in 1961.

A/Rahman Alsayed - Aug 05, 2009    gave more explanation on ELM in the following :

1. The Eritrean Liberation Movement (ELM) was a natural and subsequent political development in Eritreans’ struggle for their legitimate right to self-determination. The ELM (1958 – 1965) came about in the wake of Ethiopia’s unilateral violation of the Federation arrangement and the lowering of Eritrea’s legitimate flag[i]. Since Ethiopia failed to respect the compromise federal solution imposed by the UN through Resolution 390-A, Eritreans had to decide whether to submit to Ethiopia’s will and become second class subjects in the Amhara ruled Ethiopia or pursue their legitimate, but temporarily interrupted, right to full self-determination. They chose the later and ELM was born as a true expression of this choice.
2. For the first and perhaps last time in Eritrea’s delicate history, the ELM managed to appeal to Eritrea’s diverse society, united Eritrean Muslims and Christians, Highlanders and Lowlanders, infiltrated institutions including Eritrea’s police force, spread its organisation and mobilisation cells of 7 (famously known and still remembered by our Kebessan counterparts as “mahbar shaw3atte” and in the lowlands/Muslims as “Haraka or Haraket”).
3. Having succeeded in winning over and uniting all Eritreans to the Independence cause, albeit through peaceful means and not by coercion, ELM’s path for liberation and independence was interrupted and later replaced by the ELF. 30 years later we can clearly see the strategic error committed by the founders of ELF in the cost not only to our lives and properties, but also to our social fabric and cultural values, including the refugee exodus (mainly from the Muslim/Lowland areas), in addition to the arrogance and militant dictatorship displayed by the armed struggle leaders in their intolerance to differences of opinion and their resort to subduing opponents by force, and the continuation of this culture to this date. [readmore]

The ELM's decision to launch its own armed struggle was violently crushed by the ELF. Following the liquidation of the military wing of the ELM, its forces disintegrated, former ELM members were contacted and persuaded to join the ELF's cell for armed struggle, and a number of ELM members who wished to continue the armed struggle joined the ELF (Sherman, 1980:42). Other like Woldeab-Ab and Wed-Libe attempted to create a Unity Movement to reunite the nationalist group. Killon (1991: 196-197).Mahamoud Nawd kept the core of the ELM alive but was driven out of Sudan by the ELF in 1967, and in 1970 the Organisation was formally dissolved to enable its members to join Osman Saleh Sabbi, new ELF-PLF in 1970.

The number of the Eritrean Liberation Army gradually increasing from 13 in 1961 to  2000 in 1965.  Factors which had contributed to this number could be:. 1.Protest against annexation of Eritrea in 1962 ; 2 The imprisonment more than 3,000 civilians under suspicion of sympathizing with the guerrillas between 1961 and 1963, 3. The escalation of hit-and-run guerrilla operations between 1962 and 1964. [Up to 1964, not less than 150 successful operations and raids were undertaken [ELF, 1977: 36]. 4. A three-day strike of the secondary school students in Asmara 5. The liquidation of Haraka also greatly contributed for growth of fighters in the Eritrea Liberation Army (ELA) in 1965.

By the middle of 1965, the number of fighters in the ELF had increased from 800 fighters in 1964 to 2,000. This was because of the following factors:
1. A three-day strike of secondary school students in Asmara from March 8-12 , 1965 which caused about 2, 000 students to be detained on the outskirts of Asmara ( Ammar, 1997: 71). Ammar (1997: 60) adds that during the early 1960s, Asmara students staged demonstrations whose political significance and mobilizational effect in reviving Eritrean nationalist feeling was quite high.

Many of those who participated in the strike joined the ELF in that year. Example Ghilai Ghirmai one of those students joined the ELF in 1966 and was a political cadre in the 5th Zone. It was sad that he was killed by Osman Hishal, deputy commander of the fifth zonal division in 1967, this is one of the ELF leaders' crimes committed against innocent fighters in the 1960s.

2. After the liquidation of the military wing of the ELM in 1965,many members of Haraka joined the ELF without trying to revitalize its organization.

Gebre-Medhin (1989:171) states that with the demise of Harakat (Mahber Shewate) workers and intellectuals who had belonged to it turned to open resistance. He adds that in a matter of a few years the social composition of the fighting forces began to change. Pool (2001:52) and Ammar (1997:75) also point out that most of those who joined the ELF army in the mid-1965 came from the Christian and Muslim population who were better educated, or workers who were Harakat members influenced by the Haraka slogan,

“Muslims and Christian are brothers, and their unity makes Eritrea one” than the early soldiers from the Sudan. However, this was not welcomed by the ELF leaders and former fighters, and created tensions and conflicts in the organization.( Pool 2001:53)

However their arrival created tension and conflict in the organization. The conflict arose between the new comer who were used to be a member of Haraka, Young Federalists, Muslim Youth, Teacher Association and the banned trade union who belief that belief that “Muslims and Christians are brothers, and their unity makes Eritrea one, and ELF leaders who hated ELM because of their secular (Iyob, 1995:102).

Prior to this the ELA was composed entirely of emancipated serfs from the lowland, because of this the arrival of these newcomers, together with the influence from ELFs outside supporters created tension and conflicts in the organization, as the leadership still after Awate's death in 1962 was dominated by Muslims from Western Eritrea (Peter 1987: 57). Iyob (1995: 112) adds that young recruits from the highlands and lowlands were rudely awakened to the ugly realities from the factional politics of the ELF leadership.  ELF recruits were particularly dismayed by the persistence of the corrosive Moslem-Christian schism.

According to Breaketeab(2000:184) Idris Mohammed Adem in particular, dislike the stretegy of the ELM to broaden its organisation through recuriting Christians. Because of this attitude of the ELF founder leaders, the ELF was founded on fostered religious antagonism and fanned backward differences and sentiments, of a regional and ethnic nature which is still left some its trace among the leader of the opposition groups.

In the history of Eritrea armed struggle the period between 1965-1968 is calledzemene kiflitat. This new military structure instead of minimizing the internal dispute, the ethnic, religious and personal conflics were exacerbated and resulted in intensive rivalary between different zones. which was cause of inefficiency and disunity among the Zone Commands.

Following the formation of five military zones based on a territorial division, the fierce power struggle within Supreme Council also exacerbated the mutual suspicion and hatred among the fighters.  Shermam,(1980:75) states that the leaders of the  regional-based military structure (zones), were not  only  far from helping each other to resist the offensive  which was launched by the Ethiopia army in 1967 but also were rejoicing at each other’s defeat. Haile Drue in the interview with Dan Connel said that whenever there were military operations against the government, nobody from one division wanted to help the other division. Even to the extent that every division would not allow fighters from other division to go around their area (Conell, 2004:31).

Furthermore Haile Durue narrated in detail in his conversations with Dan Connell, see the link below, how the group felt disappointed by the ELF and how he later recruited Musie Tesfamichael to the group. He also discussed how they decided to work clandestinely in the ELF, that they discouraged highlanders to join the ELF, until they establish their own organization. They also encouraged those who were in the ELF to leave it and pursue their studies, until further notice. Derue also stated that he was opposed to the leader of the 5th military region established in October 1966. He actually indicated he exploited the contradictions between the Revolutionary leadership in Kassala and the 5th Military Zone, to the advantage of their group. Derue also stated he was against all Christians being in one Zone (5th zone), but later they established ‘Selfi Nasent’ with Isaias whose members were solely Christian highlanders at the beginning. It was under those circumstances that some Christian highlanders started to surrender to Ethiopia in big groups.

https://hedgait.blogspot.co.uk/2017/06/1967-circumstances-under-which-elf.html

The Ethiopian army through exploiting the ethnic rivalries between Eritrean launched a concerted offensive by attacking one zone at a time Patment( 1990:118). As a result of this offensive the unarmed civilian population became victims of the Ethiopian atrocities . The civilian population not only became the victims of the Ethiopian army but also became a victim of the zones commander. According to Peter(1987), the zones commander when came to collected money from the local population  through  taxes, fines and donations; some commanders even accumulated property for themselves by  confiscating  cattle and other property from the people they rule. These seem to have been mainly in the zones 1 and 3, where the leaders mobilized Muslim fighters under the slogan of Jihad   (holy war) against the   unbelieving kafir-the Christian highland peasantry.

Furthermore Usman Saleh Sabbea in his interview mentioned Osman Hishkal from the Beit Juk was appointed after Weldai left. He had 27 Christians and Jabartis killed in 1967 as they left a store unprotected and the Ethiopians took the arms. As a consequence of the ELF leaders use religious prejudge and regionalism large numbers of ELF fighters  captured or gave themselves up to the Ethiopia government during 1967-1968.

Ammar (1997:74) also states that during 1967, the student movement was weakened by arrests of key members in Asmara an several fighters from the ELF. The problems within the ELF and mass defections, almost all of whom were students, led to a total but temporary collapse of the student movement in Asmara and Addis Ababa. According to Pool (1985) between 1966 and 1969 about 400 to 450 were either killed, surrendered to the Ethiopian authorities, or fled to the Sudan.

This gave a good occasion   for Ethiopia to publicize that the Eritrean nationalist struggle as a religious and tribal insurgency led by  Islamic fanatic. To challenge this propaganda, the ELF leadership in Cairo attempted to keep distance itself from the "jihadist" actions of some of the zone commanders by nominating a Christian as the Vice-president to the Supreme Council Ato Tedla Bairu(Iyob, 1995:113).  

In 1967 Ato Tedla Bairu joined the independence movement in contradiction to what he did in 1940s. Killon (1999) tried to give a brief explanation for this, stating that, according some who knew him, he already had become “disillusioned” with the federation by 1955, and his ambiguous commitment to Eritrean autonomy led to his increasing support for the Eritrean nationalist movement in the 1960s. Nonetheless, Tedla accepted the Emperor’s appointment as ambassador to Sweden, where he stayed until he defected to the ELF in 1967. In that year he was appointed to the Supreme Council and made a number of nationalist radio broadcasts on behalf of the ELF (Killion,1991:393-394 )

In 1967 Ato Tedla Bairu joined the independence movement as the Vice-president to the Supreme Council.These former Unionist leaders Idris Mahammed Adem and Tedla Bairu who were against the independent of Eritrea became the chairman and vice chairman of the ELF.

The self appointed of the ELF leadership

Taha

In 1968 a new chapter was opened in the history of the armed struggle as the young recruits (Christian and Moslem alike; these new educated recruits were sent to Syria, China and Cuba for military training) after their returned began agitating for change and reforms within the Front, and protested against the repressive measures which they took against some sections of the Eritrean people. Additionally another important issue in the discontent among many fighters with the Supreme Council was that most of its members portrayed Eritrean Society as predominantly Arab and Muslim, and the struggle as a fight for Islam and Arabism.  These and other discontents led the Democratic Forces to question the legitimacy of the “Self-appointed" Supreme Council, and to ask for leadership elected by the partisans themselves through a congress (Peter, 1987).

In June 68 rank and file delegates from all five zones met at Aredaib to discuss the problem, and in  September at the Anseba conference. In this conference the Tripartite unity was formed from the old  zones 3, 4 and 5. The Tripartite unity forces maintained logistical links to Sabbe. Leaders of the Tripartite Union elected at the Ansaba Meeting were :19681.;Mohammed Ahmed Abdu, chairman 2 ;Abdalla Idris Mohammed Mohammed Ali Omaro 4.Ramadan Mohammed Nur 5.Abraham Tewolde 6;Isayas Afeworki 7.Mohammed Omar Abdalla (Abu Tiyara) 8.Ahmed Ibrahim 9.; Mohammed Abdalla Taha (al-Safi)10.; Omar Damer 11.; Abdalla Yusuf 12.; Hamid Saleh Read more. However, the leadership of Zone 1 tied to Idris M.Adem was opposed to the new movement, and Zone 2 had been decimated by Omer Ezaz disastrous attack on Halhal in August.

Wolday Giday & Kidane Kiflu,

Ibrahim Berhan (2001) also states that Kidane is one of those gallant and brilliant fighters,TeGaDeLTi,who was assasinated in Kassala,Sudan in the late 60s.He was not only a heroic fighter who relentlessly opposed the sectarian and backwarded political outlooks of the then Jebha,he was a decent person with exceedingly pleasant personality.Those who were incarcerated with him in Sudan's jail in the late 60s attest to those facts.Once he was released the butchers of the then Jebha killed him and put his body in a trunk of a taxi.So was the barbaric acts of QiYaDa ALaMa that left no options for the true and patriotic fighters that they have to emabark upon seeking a different path of pursuing the nationalist agendas.

Siriyet Addis 1969

The rift between Idris Mohammed Adem (supporter of Zone1 Barka ) and Osman Saleh Sabbe( supporter of (Zone 4 Semhar)exacerbate after the formation of the Tripartite unity forces from the old zones 3-5, 1968. and more getting worse after Adobaha meeting in 1969 which was cause for spliting of Zone 4 (Semhar and Dankalia) from the Eritrea Liberation Army. According to Nahrent , the cause for the above was due to the differences, mistrust and conflicts that were created during the 1965-1969 period of the Regional Commands (zemene-kiflitat or ayam-menatiq) were not to be healed easily. Understandably, the conference was heavily affected by the legacies of the ethno-regional divisions of the preceding five years. Even in the aftermath of Adobha, allegiances to personalities in the Supreme Council continued as before. The former members of the Tripartite Union were still supported by some elements in the Supreme Council and the rest by other.

ኢሳይያስ ኣፈወርቂ ካብ ጀብሃ ተፈልዩ ምስቶም ኣብ ዓላ ዝነበሩ ተጋደልቲ ኣብ ዝተሓወሰሉ ግዜ፣ ነቲ ብመንገዲ ሃብተስላሰ ገብረመድህን ተጀሚሩ ዝነበረ ዝርርብ ቃኘው በቲኹ ባዕሉ ነቲ ርክብን ዝርርብን ምቕጻሉ፤ ብድሕሪ መስዋእቲ ኣብርሃም ተወልደ ኣብ ዝተገብረ ምርጫ ድማ ሃብተስላሰ ተመሪጹ ከብቅዕ፦

“… ኣብ ጀብሃ ዝነበረኒ ሓላፍነት ጠንጢነ ስለዝመጻእኩ፣ ኣነ እየ ሓላፊ ክኸውን ዝግባእ። ወላ ክሳብ ኣብ ካልእ ስፍሕ ዝበለ ጉባአ ዓቢ ምርጫ ዝግበር ድማ ኣነ ከም ግዝያዊ ሓላፊ ክምረጽ ኣለኒ” በሎም ደረቐኛ ኢሳይያስ። ከም እንሰምዖ ከኣ ሃብተስላሰ “ኣነ’ውን ካብ ሓላፊ፣ ተራ ተጋዳላይ ኮይነ ክሰርሕ እዩ ዝብርሃኒ። ሓላፍነት’ኳ ንዓይ ቀናዝማች ወይ ግራዝማች ክኾነኒ ኣይኮነን” ምስ በሎ ኢሳይያስ ብደስታ ነታ ናይ ዲያብሎስ በትረ-ስልጣን ኣብ በዓቲ ዓላ ተረከባ። ኢሳይያስ ኣብ ግዜ ናጽነት /1991/ ቀደም ምስ ሃብተስላሰ ገብረመድህን ዝተሳእላ ስእሊ ኣብ እንዳ ዘመድ ሃብተስላሰ ተሰቒላ ከም ዝነበረት ሰምዐ። ብህጹጽ ሰብ ልኢኹ ከኣ ጠርነፋ።ብዛዕባ ጉዳይ ሰብዓታት ርክብ ኢሳይያስን ኣባላት ሲ.ኣይ.አ.ን ኣብ ቃኘው፤ ብዙሕ ግዜ ብሓርበኛ ኣቦ ኣቶ ሃብተማርያም ኣብርሃን ካልኦት ዜጋታትን ይግለጽ ስለዝነበረ ኣብዚ ኣይክደግሞን እየ። ነቲ ዝነበረ ርክብ ኢሳይያስ መራጎዲ ግን ኣይሰኣንን ነይሩ። ኣብ 1975 ዑስማን ሳልሕ ሳበን መሓመድ ስዒድ ናውድን ምዕባለታት ሜዳ ንክዕዘቡ ንሜዳ ኣትዮም ነበሩ። ኣብ ምምላሶም ከኣ መሓመድ ዓሊ ዑማሮ ክሳብ ፖርት-ሱዳን ንከፋንዎም ምስኣቶም ተበገሰ። ሽዑ ወዲ ናውድ ንዑማሮ “እዚ ኢሳይያስ ኣባል ሲ.ኣይ.አ. ስለዝኾነ ጽቡቕ ጌርኩም ተኸታተልዎ ኢኹም። ብላዕሊ መዓር ብታሕቲ ግን ዕረ ሰኒቑ ዝተበገሰ ሰብ ኢዩ” ኢሉዎ ነይሩ። እቲ ካብ ግዜ ሰብዓታት ክሳብ ምእሳር ጉጅለ 15 ብሓሶት ዝልለ ተጋዳላይ መሓመድ ዓሊ ዑማሮ ከኣ ነታ ዘረባ ተቐቢሉ ናብ ኢሳይያስ ኣመሓላለፋ። ኢሳይያስ ካብ ሽዑ ኣብ ስኑ ነኺሱዋ ክሳብ ግዜ ናጽነት ከየውጽኣ ጸኒሑ። Read more At the end Habte Selassie was executed for having allegedly “spied” for the Ethiopian Government and the CIA in 1975. Mesfin Hagos is the only person who can provide the right information about Habte Selassie whether he was a spy or not because Mesfin Hagos participated in the decision for sentenced Habteselssa and other menka ringleader in 1975.

ELF [Obel]:In the early 1970 Abu Tayara (Mohamed Omer Abdullah) who was leader of Obel group (the Marya faction of the ELF-PLF)  made contact with Osman Saleh Sabbe. In January 1972 ELF-PLF was formed by merging the ELF(Obele) with the PLF, and in June 1973 the Obel group and his  Marya fighters merged.

To see briefly the early development of the EPLF formation from different writers.

• Sabbe sponsored a number of dissident groups who were opposed to the old leadership of Region 1 which was supported by Idris M. Adem and Region 2 which was supported by Idris Geladewos including elements of the Conservative Muslim Obele faction the Marya group led by Abu Tayara( Killion 183). This groupcomprising fighters from the Brka region and formed after the Awate Conference in 1971. The other dissident group sponsored by Sabbe was the Christian di ssidents including Mesfin Hagos who were fleeing perescution by ELF military leader Abdella Idris.
• In the early 1970 Sabbe brought three hundred of these fighters from Sudan to Aden and then to the Dankael cost where they were joined by several hundred more fighters from Massaw area led by Omero and Rahemdan in June 1970. They all met with Sabbe at Sudohaila in the Southern Dankel and formed PLF whose external representation would be Sabbe General Secretreal.
• The small christian contingent in the PLF led by Mesfin Hagos also withdraw and joined the Christian fighters who had gatherd at Ala in MARC 1970 and the PLF II or Selfi Natzinet was a, this group founded, at a meeting at Ala by Issays, this was just fter the death of Abrham Twelde in March 1970.Abrham was poisoned in suspicious circumstance . This was well documented by Human Rights Watch, 1991: 42p.
• The three groups(PLF1, the PLF2 and the Obele) sent deligations to Beirut to meet the Amana Ama ( which later changed its name to the Foreign Mission) and agreed to work together through a united front. The three groups created a provisional transitional united administration in October 1972 at Gehteb, whereby they were put under a centralised leadership structure while at the same time, preserving their organisational independence
• Regarding these groups Bereketeab (2000:193) added that, the motives, objectives and political colour of these groups, of course, varied immensely. The setback in the effort to unify the ranks of the liberation movement was perceived by some observers as epitomising the fragility and feebleness of Eritrean nationalism, particularly from the viewpoint of the need to achieve a choesive and united nationalist movement
• In January 1972 ELF-PLF was formed by merging the ELF(Obele) with the PLF represented by Ramadan and Ali Saed, and the ALA group represented by Isias and Mesfin Hagos.
• Sabbes announcement of the new organisation promoted the ELF RC decision to liquidate it in Feb 1972 which sparking the first civil war( Killion 185).

Omer states that in 1971 the first National Congress passed a resolution to liquidate other factions mainly the Osman Sabe & Obel groups(Omer Jabir, August 17, 2011). The ELF First National Congress instead of avoided any explicit declaration of civil war but it passed a resolution setting the stage for civil war on the grounds that 'Eritrean field cannot bear more than one organization and one leadership'.The ELF repeated what it said in 1965 when Eliminated HARAKA again in 1971 by passing a resolution that the field couldn't tolerate more than one organisation.Herui who was elected vice-chairman of the Revolutionary Council in 1971 Following in his father's footsteps, participated in the decision to liquidate the EPLF in1972 (Killon, 1991:251).

Abdalla Idris Mohammed, ELFsecond vice president
Herui Tedla Bairu, ELF first vice president
Issayas, ELF-PLF (Ala group) leader
Idris Mohamed Adem, ELF President
Osman.S.Sabbe, EPLF Foreign Mission
ELF and EPLF leaders who should be blamed for the death of 3000 fighters in the civil war 1972-1974

Ismail Ali (20/10/2002) states talks were held in Bagdad, Iraq, where official and meaningful talks were planned in Beirut; Lebanon, on 12 August 1975. At these talks, the leaders of the Popular Forces were positive in their response to the ELF initiative; and the two sides agreed to finalize the talks in Khartoum, Sudan, where on September 1, 1975 the Khartoum Unity Agreement was signed at a ceremony where officials from the host country and foreign friends were present.  Unfortunately, though, signs of discord within the leadership of the Popular Forces had soon begun to lurk on the horizon and create complications. Actually, the fractious state that continued to exist in the organization since its formation in 1972 in Beirut, Lebanon, as get-together of three breakaway factions started to unravel and throw ominous shadow on the Khartoum Unity Agreement. The Administrative Committee which had been running the internal affairs of the organization under the domination of Isayas Afewerki had adamantly refused to abide by what the late Osman Saleh Sabbe had signed. Persistent calls of the latter in his bid to persuade the former fell on deaf ears. Contrarily, to underscore his rejection and authority, Isayas gathered his trusted followers at Shimal Bahri and came out with a statement that categorically rejected the Agreement. Hectic back and forth correspondences, emissaries and threats to cut off   supplies did not succeed. However, after much haggling, and enlisting the prestige and supposed influence of the late Ato Woldeab Woldemariam on Isayas, the two side agreed to came together in Khartoum from 18-23 May 1976 whose outcome became total divorce. Two days later, the late Osman Saleh Sabbe issued a statement declaring independent existence of his own organization Read more

Although the second Congress of the ELF was attended by 949 democratically elected delegates, many new recruits from secondary schools and Santa familia who joined the ELF were not welcome to the elected leaders of the ELF-RC in the mid-1970s. As a result of this there was conflict between new fighters who joined Front with a secular vision and seeking greater democracy, and the old ELF leadership.
Here is more information related to the ELF internal crisis from ታሪኽ ኣይንረስዕ፡ ጉዕዞና ክቐንዕ -ካብ 1973 ክሳብ 1975 ዓ.ም. ኣብ ዝነበረ መድረኽ፣ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ብሓደስቲ ተጋደልቲ እናተዓብለለ እዩ መጺኡ። እዞም ተጋደልቲ እዚኣቶም ብሓያል ሃገራዊ ስምዒት ንናጽነት ክቃለሱ ዝመጹ፣ ኣብ ዝኾነ ድሑር ፖለቲካ ዘይተመራስሑ ንጹሃት መንእሰያት እዮም። ብዘይካ መስዋእቲ ከፊልካ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ምምጻእ ድማ፣ ካልእ ድጉል ተጻባኢ ዕላማን ድርኺትን ኣይነበሮምን። ይኹን እምበር፣ እዚ ምዕባለታት’ዚ ንዓብደላ እድሪስ ኣይተበርሆን። ካብቲ ድሑርን ወገናዊን ኣጠማምታኡ ዝብገስ፣ ነዞም ሓደስቲ ተጋደልቲ ፍጹም ኣይፈተዎምን። ብዓይኒ ጽልኢን ስግኣትን እዩ ጠሚትዎም። ከም ንኣሽቱ ኣሕዋቱ፣ ከም ወገኑን ጸግዑን ኣይርኣዮምን። ምኽንያቱ፣ እዞም ሓደስቲ ተጋደልቲ መብዛሕትኦም ተማሃሮ እዮም። ብዙሓት ካብኣቶም ድማ ደቂ ከበሳ። ዓብደላ እድሪስ፣ ምምጻእ ናይዚ ሓድሽ ሓይሊ ከቢድ ጥርጣረን ፍርሒን እዩ ኣሕዲሩሉ። Read more

Furthermore, Berekhetab Habtemariam in 2010 in his article "Harmonized Constitution’: Too Good To Be True" wrote that... The signing of the Khartoum Accord in September 1975, which contravened resolutions of the Second National Congress (SNC) and was intended to further marginalize and attack the EPLF, caused a series of opposition within the rank and file of the ELF known as the Rejectionist Movement or derogatively as Falul. Contrary to the Second National Congress’s decision of negotiating unity with the field leadership of the EPLF, the ELF leadership signed the Khartoum Accord only with Osman Saleh Sabbe – a self-appointed leader of the foreign delegation of the EPLF – thus completely disregarding EPLF’s field leadership. This was the cause for the Rejectionist Movement and its members felt that peace and unity could not be attained without direct talks with the EPLF field leadership. This was the recommendation of the SNC. Nevertheless, this movement was seen as a Christian-highlanders motivated plot and the ELF leadership resorted to take drastic measures to quell it. According to Dr. Gaim Kibreab most members of the Rejectionist Movement were in Battalions 262 and 149, and in July 8-9, 1977 they were encircled and cruelly massacred. In his ‘Critical Reflections’, Dr. Kibreab records the following testimony from those who escaped this cold-blooded murder of innocent combatants:

    “All the people I have interviewed argued that the aim of the ELF leaders was not only to defeat the internal opposition, but also to use the opportunity to eliminate groups and individuals whom they regarded as a threat to their power. If the aim was to quell the rebellion, the Front could have captured them easily without the use of force. The fighters in B149 were caught unaware while they stood motionless to observe a minute’s silence. They posed no danger to the leadership or to those who attacked them.” (Kibreab, ‘Critical Reflections’, 2008; p. 303).

In the same page, Dr. Kibreab continues to assert the following: “Most of the interviewees say that the overwhelming majority of those who actively advocated for change and rejected the mistaken line of the leadership…and its corrupt practices and nepotism were Christian highlanders. There were some in the leadership, especially in the military office, they argued, who loathed and were suspicious of Christian highlanders. The military office was dominated by Abdalla Idris (and) his tribe, the Beni Amir.” (Kibreab, p.303). Other known members of the military group were Mahmoud Dinai, Mahmoud Amharay and Hussein Kelifa (Kibreab, p. 303). Read more

After Abdella Idris was defeated by his long rival Issay in 1981. Abdella Idrise took military action against his opponents Melake Tekele, who was killed by Abdella Idris during the coup.  Following this coup, Abdella Idris  organized his own election as head of ELF-RC in 1982, and he started  to accuse Christian elements in the ELF of destroying the organization,  this  was to justify for his legimatmacy.  Abdella Idris committed crimes on the Ten fighters executed in Dankalin in 1978 who were all Moslum fighters ust as Issaya committed crimes on Eritrean educators who were Christian fighters than any leader during the armed struggle.

Regarding the period between 1981 and 1991 on how the ELF fragmented into several groups, there is a concise historical information which was published on 22/05/2011 under this heading :Reflections on the contribution of the opposition leaders in prolonging the suffering of the Eritrean people for the last 20 years

In this brief review of the ELF and EPLF leaders' destructive role during the liberation struggle, it is important to mention that the EPLF and ELF leaders  also committed the crime of burning books as the Ethiopian army had done in 1963.  This was in 1976 when literatures (eg Dialectical Materialism, Four Essays of Philosophy etc,) were translated to Tigrigna by the leader of the Eritrean Revolutionary Party'  Goitom Berhe (bitsay). After he was arrested all the literatures were collected and burnt by the order of EPLF leaders.

Here is a short list of atrocities that committed against civilians by the Ethiopian Army

• •On10th of July 1974 over 170 civilians were massacred in Om Hager.
  • On January 31, 1975, when the Eritrean fronts launched an attack on Asmara city. Over the following four days, government soldiers went on the rampage through the city. Civilians were dragged from their houses and executed. According to the Human Right Watch up to 3,000 people were killed in the city Between February- March 1975, more than 500 innocent civilians were massacred on the streets of Asmara.
  • In March, 1975, 100 patients in Asmara hospital were killed, their bodies being taken out in trucks to be buried.
  • On 9 March 1975 over 200 civilians in Agordat were killed by the Ethiopian soldiers
  • On 13 March 1975 the Ethiopian soldiers rounded up the villagers of Woki on a piece of waste ground and shot 37 dead
  • On 14 March, 1975 many women, children and old men were bayoneted and pregnant women were slit open / The Ethiopians then killed all the livestock and set fire to the house
  • On 17 April 1975, 235 civilians in Hirgigo were killed by the Ethiopian army
  • In summer 1975, 110 people in the village of Wokiduba were herded into an orthodox church and massacred.
  • In 1975-1976 many youth were killed by steel wires and knifing down in the streets of the capital of Asmara
  Source (Dines 1988; Human Rights Watch 1991)

• In  March 1976 the army also  shot dead 42 civilans in the capital Asmara. Ato Irgau Bahta was one of these victms

Dr. Yassin Aberra

In conclusion there are many stories about crimes committed against the civilians by both fronts (Jebha and Shaebia). Unfortunately many stories are not recorded apart from a few reported by Human Rights Watch 1991; Megesteab 2005; Yonas Aray 2005; Teklay Aden 1980; Freweini Ghebresadick 1999; Alem Tesfay 2004.  In the 1970s  many civilians from rural areas also  became the victims of the EPLF security department which was led first by Solomon W/Mariam then by Ali Said ; and by the ELF security department which was led by Melake Tekle. Generally during the liberation struggle thousands of civilians not only became victims of the Ethiopian government but also victims of the Jebha and Shaebia .

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Mohammed Kheir in his article "State Vs. Regime Security" mentioned that immediately after liberation the security services assassinated about 10 Eritreans in Addis Ababa including Tesfamichael Georgio and Yihdego Woldeghiorghis Read more 1.Yihdego Woldeghiorghis( brother of Andebrhan Woldeghiorghis) was a third year university student who joined the EPLF in 1975. In the late 1970s or early 1980s he defected to Ethiopia and was assasinated by the EPLF security force in Harare Province in 1992/1993 because he knew of all the conspiracies of the EPLF leaders. 2. Sarah Mekonen former member of the ELF who had defected to Ethiopia in 1976/77 exposed the ELF leaders’ corruption and conspiracies on  Asmara radio. In the early 1990s Sarah was also killed by the EPLF security force in Addis Ababa. 3 Tesfamichael Giorgio, former member of the ELF-RC, who was said to have been involved in the early contacts between Isayas Afewerki and the CIA authorities inside the American base in Asmara in the early 70's was also killed by the EPLF security force. Redi Mehar (Alena) might have known about Sara Mekonen and other assassinations which were mentioned by Dr Mohammed Kheir in his article.  I  hope that Redi Mehar (Alena) will tell the public of the crimes committed by the EPLF’s security forces in Addis  Ababa  after  1991.

ብዴሕሪ ኣዴማ ተጋዯሌቲ 1993 ኣሸበሸብ ተጋዯሌቲ ንምጽናት ኣብ ዜተገብረ ሰባብ ውጥን ‚ምጥያስ‛ ሽደሽተ ሽሕ ናይ ምንባር ጸገም ምስ ዜነበሮም ስንኩሊን ዯቂ ተባዕትዮን ዯቀንስትዮን ሌዕሉ 55,000 ገዲይም ተጋዯሌቲ ከም ዜጓሓፉ ተገብረ። ዓጀብ! ስንኩል ተጋዳላይ ጥዑም ተወልደ ኣብ ግራት እንጣጢዕ (ሊስትሮ!) የማነ ገብረኣብ ብጻማ ስዉኣትን ስንኩላንን ኣብ ለሰ (ሕዛእቲ ሃገረ- ኤርትራ!)2 ጥዩሳትን ስንኩሊንን ተጋዯሌቲ ናይ ኣስመራ ፎርማ ከየበሊሽዉ ብምባሌ ብመኾስተር ህግዯፍ ምስ ተጸርጉ ከኣ ከም ዯቂ ዚግራ ናብ መሊእ ኤርትራ ተበታተኑ። እዙ’ውን ንኢሳይያስ ዴቃስ ዜህብ ኣይነበረን፣ ነቶም ዜተረፉ ዯቂ ህዜባዊ ግንባር ናብ እጉዴ መጋርያ ንምህንኳት ኲናት ባዴመ ብምስጢር ወሌዏ። ኲናት ቅዴሚ ምጅማሩ ኣብ ዜነበራ ጽምዱ መዒሌታት፣ ሓሊፊ ፖሇቲካዊ ጉዲያት ህግዯፍ የማነ ገብረኣብ ናብ ከተማ ከረን ወሪደ ነቶም ካብ ቁራዕ ሳሕሌ ከም ካብ ብሱሌ ጥረ ኮይኖም ዜኣተዉ ጥዩሳትን ስንኩሊንን ተጋዯሌቲ ኣኼባ ገበረልም። ብዘሕ በዲሂ ሕቶታት ቀሪቡለ ነይሩ’ዩ። ‚…ሕጂ ሃገር ናይ ምክሌኻሌ ተበግሶ ስሇዜኾነ ናብ ቅዴመ-ግንባራት ንኸይዴ ኣልና። እንተተሰዋእና ማዒ ሳሊማ! እንተተመሇስና ግን ጽባሕ ንግሆ ናባኹም ናብ ሓሇፍቲ ህግዯፍ እነቕርቦ ሕቶታት ኣልና‛ ብዜብሌ መዯረ ኢዩ እቲ ሆጭ ዜበሇ ኣኼባ ዜተዯምዯመ።Read more Sourceዋዛማ፡ ዗መነ-ቅብጸት ኢሳይያስ ዒስራይ ክፋሌ ኣሇና