THE TWO FACES OF ESSAYAS

Sometime after the wide-range liquidation of the Menka (literally, bat to signify those moving under the cover of darkness), opposition movement started to question the whole essence of the organisation which is not even serious with the question of the people it claimed to represent. It was therefore necessary to improvise a cover for the undemocratic practices of the group. The slogans of Menka were stolen; a new political school was opened and it was declared that constructive criticism of the leadership would be allowed and fighters may say their heart. But it was too late; the bases already lost confidence in the leadership and there was no response to the call for open criticism. Instead, the remaining democratic elements tried to form an underground movement called 'the Eritrean Revolutionary Party'. Led by Goitom Berhe (bitsay), a law graduate of Addis Ababa, the party aimed to destroy the one-man dictatorship in the EPLF.

As a start, the party translated a number of Marxist works to Tigrigna (eg Dialectical Materialism, Four Essays of Philosophy, About the Proletariat Party) and distributed them to the fighters. The Essayas clique was alerted after the distribution of the pamphlet Who Is Revolutionary? All the literature was then collected and burnt. The suspected ring-leaders of the anti-Essayas movement of progressives were arrested and, later butchered.

The victims included: 1)Goitom Berhe; 2)Mesih Russom;3) Tewolde Eyob; 4)Teclai Ghebre-Kristos; 5)Michael Bereketeab; 6) Haile Yohannesom; 7) Samuel Ghebre-Dingil; 8)Bereket Haile; 9)Memhir Tecle Habte-Tsion; 10) Alem Abraha and others.

It was during this time that the EPLF demi-god, Essayas characteristically looked for another hide-out and secretly established a Hitlerite 'party' beautified by the name 'Eritrean People's Revolutionary Party' or the EPRP (and watch out not to confuse it with the Ethiopian EPRP). Through it, Essayas established e strong network of 'security' cells in the whole organisation. Members of the Essayas clique (the 'party') included members of the central committee of the EPLF and various unit leaders.

I, with all sincerity say that the said 'party' is by all measures a reactionary, nay, fascist clique serving the interest of world imperialism. It has nothing to do with the interests and aspirations of the Eritrean people. It practically has no historical outlook except void slogans which mislead observers from without. It was simply formed to safeguard the personal ambitions for grandeur, of one man - Essayas. Full stop.
The members of the clique have special privileges which satisfy their petty-bourgeois interests: They have all the resources of the EPLF at their disposal. They are distinguished by their elegant clothes imported at high cost; volumes of liquor is consumed at will in the unending 'study' and research meetings. They freely enjoy sex through intimidation and by using their high posts.

Many respected cadres of the organisation who opposed this rampant corruption and mis-behaviour were, forced to take very desperate acts. And among the latest victims of such desperation were Berhane Solomon (wodi haleka), former leader of the fourth brigade, and Ahmed Ali Clay, central committee member and leader of the 5lst brigade.

Berhane Solomon boldly opposed and exposed the opportunist practices of Essayas and the fascism of his 'party'. Before committing suicide by exploding a hand-grenade in his bowels at Madameda in 1979, he wrote a message in which he said he chose death rather than remaining a helpless observant of "the incorrigibly opportunist practices of Essayas and the ungenuine EPRP which is not serving the cause of the people". Frightened by the act and the message, Essayas and cohorts employed their clever and stealthy measures to cover-up the incident. Commanders of units in the fourth brigade were sternly warned not to leak the story; a statement was issued asserting that Berhane died a natural death because of illness.

Ahmed Ali Clay killed himself by his own pistol in Nacfa in 1979 and left a short note which read: "excuse me, I chose to leave this world to reactionaries". Many in the EPLF know that Ahmed was pushed to take this desperate act by the leadership clique. It was Ahmed, who in e meeting stated that the 'party' was anti-revolutionary in many aspects and that it was rendering services to all those opposed to the aspirations of the people. In the same meeting, he scathingly criticized certain errand boys of Essayas within the brigade. He accused 0gbe Abraha, Tewolde Andu and Ali Ibrahim of drunkeness, homosexuality, and also of having caused the death of a large number of fighters at Nacfa, Doro and other places by forcing them to continue fighting from very weak strategic positions. Few weeks after the meeting, the clique unleashed character assassination campaign against the leaders of the 51st brigade and called him a coward. The boy was painted black in a typically EPLF insinuation against all who bravely stand to question the fascism of the clique. After Ahmed committed suicide, the clique as usual issued a statement to make believe that he died "a natural death".

To sum the whole story in a word, the EPLF is a typical fascist grouping which thrives by churning all types of falsehood and by muzzling the voice of democrats by the use of brutal force.
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(After reading the above statement, the former EPLF central committee member answered questions raised by the journalists).

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Question: Are the malpractices of the Essayas clique well known among the members of the EPLF?
Answer: As I tried to explain earlier, the Essayas clique was from its very inception stained with blood of progressive elements. It reached what it is today , by suppression and undemocratic means. Besides, one cannot tell what its guiding philosophy is; sometimes it pretends to be Marxist-Leninist, at other times a confirmed Maoist and still at other times drops these mantles and stands with Arab reaction. What, then, is the real EPLF?

As I understand it:
a) It is an opportunist petty-bourgeois group without a clear and unified outlook;
b) It is a grouping where an opportunist clique serves its interests through the instrument of a suppressive 'party';

c) The so-called party has no relation whatsoever with any progressive party or organization in the world;

d) The leadership clique, which has fell under the control of reactionary forces in the region, is made up of yes-men who accepted the absolute dictatorship of one man;

e) The group feeds its innocent victims with extreme chauvinism and, very narrow nationalism which in the final analysis is opposed to the popular struggle in the region.

In other words, the Essayas clique (and 'party') in the EPLF is a dangerous body sworn to muzzle the masses and prevent them from identifying their real comrades in arms in the revolution, and disconnect the Eritrean people from the real camp -- the camp of revolution.

To specifically answer the question, the rank and file in the EPLF do not know the inside story of the fascist clique. All what they know are the official statements about "natural deaths" etc. To give you another simple example of the life of terror and death within the group, anyone who utters a word about Essayas or his 'party' is killed outright. A certain Angesom of brigade 51 told his girl friend, Asheberet, about the presence of a 'party'. She in turn tells the 'secret' to a certain Woldu. At this point, the security network got hold of the matter and arrested the three. Angesom was tortured to death. To this day, all what the fighters know about Angesom is that he died a natural death.

Question: Would you please tell us more examples about the fate of those rebels who criticize the opportunism of the Essayas clique?
Answer: I have outlined, the absolutism of the clique and the reactionary features of the EPLF as a whole. When I say no freedom in the organization I mean absolute lack of any democratic practices in the group. You have no right to make recommendation for correction or reform. The response to any opposition is mass slaughter. All those who tried to criticize the corrupt practices of the leadership in the towns during 1977-78 were killed; the ordinary members of the EPLF do not know anything about it. Among those persons killed for having said a word or two in criticism against corruption in the clique were-. 1) Dr Eyob Ghebre-leul, educated in the USSR; 2) Mehari Ghirma-Tsion, educated in the USSR; 3) Ghebre-Michael Meharizghi; Addis Abeba university graduate; 4) Hibret Tesfa-Ghaber; 5) Kidane Abeito; 6) Fissehaye Kidane (Germen); 7) Haile Jebha, former EPLF interrogation section chief; 8) Araya Semere; 9) Ammanuel Filansa; 10) Solomon Wolde-Mariam, key EPLF leader between 1970-1977, and, others. Mogos Fassil, Addis Ababa law graduate, narrowly escaped death by fleeing from gun-point.

Prisoners who executed unofficially in the 1970s and 1980s by the EPLF's security force