Remembering the forgotten Eritrean Revolutionary Hero

Mussie Tesfamichael

ስዉእ ተጋ ሙሴ ተስፋሚካኤል እዚ ውድብ ዚ ከይዱ ከይዱ ውልቀ ሰብ ዝመልኮ ከምቲ ኣብ ቺለ ዝርከብ ቀንጻሊ መንግስቲ ፒኖሸ ክተክል እዩ ዝቃለስ ዘሎ ዝበለ

Compiled and researched by Resoum Kidane 10/09/21


The lack of democratic practice and intolerance of dissent by former Eritrean revolutionary leaders became entrenched after the 1991 liberation and have continued with further repression. Eritrean democrats have been the victims of torture and beatings in prisons and have been deprived of political rights and civil liberties for the last half century.

When many educators and students of Mussie generation joined the ELF and EPLF, conflict erupted between the veterans who wanted to preserve their own old identity and new members of the Fronts who joined with high revolutionary inspiration like Mussie to fight the tyrannical Ethiopian government and had clear vision of a future democratic Eritrea based upon freedom and equality As a consequence through the 1970s both the EPLF and ELF leaders who did not want to hear about freedom and justice physically eliminated those who challenged them  by labelling  them as regionalism, ultra-leftists, spies, falul, etc.   

Mussie was among those who joined the EPLF in early 1972 and was executed in 1975. This piece of compilation is to honour Mussie and his comrades who dedicated their lives to the Eritrea Independence struggle but were executed by their own organisation in the 1970s for challenging the EPLF leadership system.

The fact Mussie and other victms of the EPLF and ELF are never mentioned by the diasporas human rights activists, civil society or opposition groups raises an important question.  Why each year on 18th of September and 14th of April the post-1991 victims of the PFDJ are recalled but not the earlier ones? The crimes against innocent citizens by the PFDJ did not begin in 2001 but has roots going back to the era of the liberation struggle 

Hopefully, Mussie and his comrades will be remembered in future by the young generation.

2.Personal background information

Mussie Tesfamichael the son of a police officer was born in the village ‘adī finyī‘(ዓዲ ፍኚዕ) in 1949 of Tsena Degliy district, and brought up in Asmara. Musie started his early childhood and primary education at a Catholic School called Sitawiyni ( ስታውያን) and studied until 4th grade.

With his father being a police officer who was transferred from place to place, Mussie completed the primary education of 5th and 6th grade at Senafi and Segenit respectively. His junior education was completed at Adi Qehi where he passed the Ethiopian eighth grade general examination in 1962. After passing the Ethiopian eighth grade general examination, Mussie completed his secondary education at Prince Makonnen Secondary School (PMSS), Asmara.

The PMSS was opened in an Old Italian building by the Eritrea government. In the 1950s there were only two secondary schools in Eritrea, the Haile Selassie I and Prince Makonnon Secondary schools which were opened in 1955 and 1956 respectively. Initially the PMSS was one of the middle schools in Asmara, gradually Grade nine was opened in 1956-57then step by step the school reached grade 12. Mussie was one of those students who attended grade 12 in 1965. Below is a photo whichwas taken at the end ofthe 12th graders academic year in June 1965.   Mussie Tesfamichael, and Haile Duru were among those students, Haile Duru was between two persons wearing glasses (CourtesyWoldeyesus Ammar.

Mussie was one of those PMSS students who played a key role in the 1965 demonstration against the Ethiopian annexation. According to Ammar, (1997) the March 1965 demonstration in Asmara was conducted by teen-age students who became aware of the worsening condition of the Eritrean people under alien rule.  The organizers’ ring leaders were Mussie Tesfamichael, Woldedawit Temesghen, Michael Ghaber , Seyoum Ogbamichael, Issayas Afeworqi, Haile Woldetinsae, Bereket Ghebretinsae 'Aket'  
 The main student demands were the following

 After March 8, 1965  many students who participated  in the 1965 demonstration  jointed the Eritrea Liberation Front,  among them, Seyoum Ogbamichael (Harestai) and Dawit Temesghen left Asmara to join the freedom fighters in the field (Meda).(Ammar)  Other  former students of the PMSS Mussie Tesfamichael   Haile Woldetinsae, etc continued  their mobilisation and agitation,  in 1966, while they studied at AAU.

3. Mussie joined the ELF, 1966

Isayas, Mussie and Duru who were all prominent in the 1965 students’ demonstration at PMSS joined the ELF from Haile Selassie I University in 1966.   They were close friends and cut an E on their arm to symbolise their commitment to Eritrea. Issayas joined the Front after he failed the first semester examination while Duru and Mussie withdrew from their studies and joined the Front in the summer and autumn respectively..

Mussie  was assigned to the Revolutionary Command office in Kessela to  start a magazine, ‘The Renaissance of the Youth,’ and be a contact there. Duru went to the new 5th Division to be a contact for the clandestine organizations in Eritrea and Ethiopia (Connel,2001 ) When Mussie and Haile Duru joined the Front they faced challenges because the then  ELF leaders’ exploited religious prejudices and regionalism which had exacerbated after members of Harakat  and students had joined  the Front in1965.  During that year  the social composition of the Eritrea Liberation Army (ELA) began to change. It was a time when the  Eritrea Liberation Army (ELA) grew from 800  to 2, 000 fighters. Pool (2001:52) and Ammar (1997:75)  point out that most of those who joined the ELF army in the mid-1965 came from the better educated Christian and Muslim populations who  belief “Muslims and Christians are brothers, and their unity makes Eritrea .. Peter  (2001:53) also states that  the advent of these newcomers created tensions and conflicts in the organization.   

The Supreme Council of the ELF leadership tried to resolve the conflicts which erupted  between the old and new political trends through establishing four military zones based on a division of zones along religious lines. According to Kibreab (2008:153) . The Supreme Council did not originally create a Christian Zone because the central highlanders were the most industrialized and politically advanced area of the country and they feared an influx of Christian workers and students as a major threat to their power base. The only exceptions were the Eritrean Christian highlanders who, until 1966, were distributed among all the four zones [readmore] .

In the history of Eritrea armed struggle the period between1965-1968 was called Zemene kiflitat. The regional-based military structure instead of minimizing the ethnic, religious and personal conflicts made them worse. The intensive rivalry between different zones became the main cause of inefficiency and disunity among the Zone Commands.
According to Antonio Tesfai the ELF’s biggest mistake was to create a series of internal divisions that exacerbated narrow sectarianism. It further split the movement by locating the leadership in two separate places outside the country: the Revolutionary Command was stationed in Kessala, Sudan, and the Supreme Council, the executive of the ELF was based in Cairo.
The ethnic and religion divisions in the Zones  also extended into the population as a whole, highlighting the traditional animosities which had generated the fragmentation of Eritrean nationalism in the 1940s which still affects the Eritrean  opposition groups in the diaspora. 

Duru in his interview with Dan Connel? mentioned that the regional-based military structure had created mutual suspicion and hatred among the fighters because of the ELF leaders exploited religious and regional divisions in the 1960s .  Haile adds. “We were not even taking any malaria pills for fear we would be poisoned. In battles, we were mainly guarding ourselves against bullets that came from behind.” 

Despite growing nationalistic sentiments among Eritrean students, large numbers of ELF fighters mostly students became disillusioned with the ELF.  Mussie also criticized  the ELF  leaders Subsequently there was a plot to assassinate him but he survived the shooting.  Ghilai Ghirmai who was an ELF envoy and a former the PMSS student committee joined in 1966 and a political cadre in the 5th Zone was also killed by an ELF unit leader in 1967. Usman Saleh Sabbe  in his interview on the history of the ELF also mentioned  that 27 Christians and Jabartis  were killed, in 1967, by Osman Hishkal  from Beit Juk, the leader of the 5th division.  Probably Ghilai Ghirmai was one of the 27 executed by Osman Hishkal.
Consequently large numbers of ELF fighters from the 5th Zone surrendered  to the Ethiopian government.  Duru also expressed his feeling that the group felt disappointed by the ELF and  had been forced  to leave the ELF.

The  first group of the ELF fighters who defected to the Ethiopia authority numbered five.  Among them was Michel Alazar and Desta Batsol. Although Mussie was asked by Alazar to defect with him,   Musie decided to wait for Haile Duru who was in the field..  When Duru arrived in Kessela, both of them surrender to the Ethiopia authorities in Kessala, 7 months after they had joined the ELF in 1967.  Regarding this on 29/8/1967, the Tigrinya and Arabic newspapers, ‘Hiberet and ‘Al Wihda’ reported that 19 ELF fighters have surrendered to Ethiopia. Among them were Musie Tefamichael and Haile Duru who were the students at Haile Selassie I University.  

 Picture of the 19 fighters that surrendered to Ethiopia on 28/08/1967, among whom wereMusie Tefamichael (11) and Haile Durue (14)courtesy er

Names  of 19 ELF fighters who defected to Ethiopia in 1967.

1  Abraha Habteley, 24 years joined the ELF 4 years ago, was 9th grade in Keren
2   Negussie Hizbay 22 years, spent 2 ½ years, student at Teachers Training Institute (TTI), Asmara
3   Woldai Tefai Yohannes, 22 years, spent 14 months
4 Yemane Tesfay, 20 years, spent 1 year, merchant
5 Andeberhan Andemariam, 23 years, spent 2 years
6 Yohannes Liban, 24 years, 2 ½ years
7 Zere Senai Tekle, 22 years, spent 13 months, 12th grade student at General Wingate
8 Haile Woldemichael, 25 years, spent 1 year, was 11th year student at Prince Mekonen Secondary School in Asmara (PMSC)
9 Tesfay Asfaha, 25 years, spent 5 months, 9th grade PMSC
10 Debessay Asfaha, 26 years, spent 3 months, student PMSC
11 Musie Tesfamichael, 20 years spent 7 months and was 2nd year at Haile Sellasie University in Addis Ababa (HSIU)
12 Habtu Tecle, 19 years, student at 12th grade at PMSC
13 Solomon Gebrehiwet, two years, was a farmer
14 Haile Wolde Tensae, 21 years, spent 7 months, was Student at HSIU
15 Yihdego Berhe, 19 years, spent 2 months, student at Hibret School in Asmara
16 Yohannes Mebrahtu, 21 years, 18 months, was 1st year student at HSIU
17 Teklemariam Gebreyesus, 18 years, spent about a year, was student at TTI
18 Wolde Araya, 19 years, spent 19 months, was student at TTI
19 Zeray Tikabo, student at PMSC

4.Mussie re-enrolled at the Hale Selassie I University 1969

Mussie with other former ELF fighters who defected to the Ethiopia authority had been imprisoned in various detention camps such as in Dekemhara Police training camp for nearly two years.
In 1969 following their protest for being detained for long periods, the Ethiopia authority granted amnesty to all deserters and offered three options to assist their integration into society.

  1. To join the military,
  2. To attend vocational training
  3. To pursue studies in higher education.

Mussie and Duru preferred to pursue their studies in higher education and went back to Addis Ababa to re-enrol at Hale Selassie I University in 1969.  While they studied both were militant students. Mussie, in particular,  was known around the University as a leftist and agitator. While they studied, they were dedicated revolutionaries agitating for the right of self-determination in Eritrea, and played active roles in raising the national consciousness ofthe Eritrean students at Hale Selassie I University.  During their studied they also shared their experiences of dissatisfaction and of feeling unsafe in the ELF due to the sectarian and backward political outlook of the then Jebha leaders.  .

Regarding the unsafeness in the ELF, Kidane Kiflu sent a letter from Kessella to advise the Eritrean University students not to join the Front because of the then Jebha leaders’ politics. As a consequence of  his dissenting opinion, he was also killed  shortly after 39 members of the new leadership (Kiada al Ama leadership) were elected at the Adobha Conference  in 1969   (Read how he was brutally murdered in Kassala). The death of Kidane caused much disillusionment among ELF fighters.  One of them was Tuku who also sent a letter to the Eritrean students and other former members of Haraka in the Diaspora to inform them about the unstable political situation in the ELF and of the Kiada Al Ama conspiracy to kill Kidane Kiflue and other fighters. His letter might have contributed for the split among the Eritrean students in the diaspora as well as within the Eritrean students at the Hale Selassie I University

Tesfa Mariam Assefaw a former ELF fighter who defected to the Ethiopia authority after the killing of Kidane Kiflue in an interview with Aida Kidane, in 2000, briefly mentioned that how unsafe the ELF was, in the 1960s, for highlanders and particularly for Christian fighters.  Tesfa Mariam  was freed after a brief imprisonment by Ethiopia authorities.  In his interview he states:
“I went to visit Haile Duru and we greeted with handshake. Duru was eager to know why I was in Addis and  told him not to come near me, being followed by the security, Following the next morning at 6 o'clock, I went to his place then had breakfast together, and  told him everything including that the EPLF (Hizbawi Haylitat) had been formed, as he did not know then”. [Source]

In the light of the feeling of insecurity and other contributing factors in the ELF, most Eritrean students at the Hale Selassie I University turned to supporting the EPLF when it was formed in 1970.  Mussie might have been influenced by the EPLF formation in deciding to withdraw from his study for the second time to become a teacher in Eritrea. In autumn of 1970 Mussie started his teaching at St George secondary school, Mendefera, and taught history for  one semester. During the first semester he played a signficant role in raising the level of political and national consciousness among his students.

Mussie is still remembered for the contributions he made at St George secondary school, Mendefera . According to his former students the contribution of Mussie was not  restricted to the classroom.  During lunch breaks he gave seminars  on subjects to do with Eritrea, such as how Ethiopia annexed Eritrea, and on topics such as the industrial revolution and the French revolution in order to raise the political awareness and  national consciousness of  young people.

A few years ago one of his former students wrote the following comment on Facebook
“Mussie Tesfamichaeln was my teacher as well as friend for one semester at St.George Secondary school Mendefera.  Mussie used to teach politics to many students. From my class we were four students,   Ahmed Gadamsh, Ahferm Seyoum, Zereabruk and I. At that time Bitew Abraha   was a student of Mussie Tesfamichael  but ahead of us. Mussie told us about his experiences and dissatisfaction of the ELF leadership. Because of his dissident opinion, he was in Kessela prison with one of my friend Ahferom Seyoum.  Mussie Tesfamichael was very special teacher and friend. He was a big loss to the Eritrean people. I missed him very much. He was a hero and intellectual person. REST IN PEACE”

Generally Mussie was described by all his former students as a modest and friendly teacher. Mogos Berhane who was one of  Mussie’s student and joined the EPLF because of Mussie influenced, in his memory of Mussie  wrote  in Geez script below.

ብሕጽር ዝበለ ንሙሴ  ዝፍልጦ ካብ ገዲም ተጋዳላይ ሞጎስ ብርሃኔ
ሙሴ ተማሃራ ዩኒቨሪቲ ነይሩ፣ ድሕሪዚ ናብ ስዉራ  ወጺኡ ናብ ተሓኤ።ብሕማቅ ታሪኻዊ አጋጣሚታት ቅልዉላ ናይ ስዉራ ብፍላይ ክሪስቲያን ደቂ ከበሳታት ብብዚሒ ናብ ጸላይ መግዛቲ ኢትዮጵያ ኢዶም ሂቦም ካብ አቶም ኢዶም ዝሃቡ ሙሴ ኢዩ።  ድሕሪዚ ናብ መንድፈራ መምህር ኮይኑ  ናብ ሳንዾርዶ ካልአይ ቤት ትምህርቲ ተመዲቡ፣ ሙሴ  አብ ሳንዾርዶ ካልአይ ቤት ትምህርቲ ስፊሕ ሃገራዊ ቅሰቀሳ አብ መንደፈራ ብፍላይ  አብ ሳንዾርዶ ካልአይ ቤት ትምህርቲ ኣብ ስደቓታት  ወጲኡ ኣብ ግዜ ዕረፍቲ ተማሃሮ ዝወጽሉ ስሚናራት ይጉስግስ ነይሩ  ሙሴ  አብ ከተማ መንደፈራ  ብፍላይ  አብ ሳንዾርዶ ካልአይ ቤት ትምህርቲ ሓያል ሃገራዊ ጽልዋታት የሕዲሩ፥  መንእስይት አቲ ክተማ ዋላ  እቲኦም ግዳም ሐደር ሓያል ሃገራዊ ፍቅሪን ሓያል ሃገራዊ ንቅሐት የሕዲሩ ኢዩ
ህዝቢ መንደፈራ ወለድን መንአስይት ብዛዕባ ኩነታት ስውራ  ብርቱዕ ሻቅሎት ነይሩዎ ምኽያቱ ካብተን ቀንዲ ከተማታት ብፓለቲካ መግዛቲ ዝሕመሳ ዝነበረት ከተማ ኢያ ነይራ
ኣብዚን ኩነታት ኢዩ ድማ  ሙሴ ዓቢ ናይ ዽግንነት ፍጻሜ follow the Nile   ዝብል ስርሕት ፈጺሙ ኣብ ግዜ Xmass vacation
ኣብ ወርሒ ጥሪ ልደት ካብ መንበሪኡ ቦቱኡ ንባህርዳር ኢትዮጴያ ተበጊሱ ናይ አውሮጵላን ዕውት ጠለፋ ንሃገር ሊቢያ ፈጲሙ
ድሕሪዚ ድማ እዚ በዓል ዓቢ ፍጻሜ ጅግና ናብ ሐዲሽ ሓይሊ ዝወዳደብ ዝነበረ ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት ተጸንቢሩ
እምበር አስር እዚ ዽግና ክንስዕብ ወጼእና ንሕና ግን ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ  ቀሊል ይመስለና ነይሩ አበኡ ኣብዚ ሃገራዊ ቃልሲ  ዽጋኑ ዝበልዕ መሪሕነት ክምዘሎ ብሙሴ ክርዳእ ኪኢለ።

In early January, 1971.during the Orthodox Christmas holiday, Mussie travelled from Medefera to Baherdar Gonder by bus to join his comrades in operational hijacking an Ethiopian plane... On January 22, 1971 Yohannes Sebhatu, Amanuel Yohannes, Mussie Tesfamichael and Debessay forced the plane to fly from Bahr Dar to Khartoum then to Benghazi, Libya, all of them were brilliant students and devoted Marxist.


Yohannes, Amanuel, Musie and Debesai

Their aim of hijacking was to draw international attention to the atrocities committed by the Ethiopian forces against the Eritrean people, and to highlight the Eritrean people struggle for independence.  Indeed their action was reported by the international media.

The New York Time on 23 of January reported: “an Ethiopian airliner was hijacked today to Benghazi, Libya. It made refuelling stops in Khartoum, the Sudanese capital, and in Cairo. There were 23 persons aboard.

The Sudanese radio reported that the hijackers were Eritrean students who had threatened to blow up the plane, a DC‐3, during its two‐hour stopover in Khartoum and had made the same threat in Cairo, where they asked for and received fuel and food

Radio Cairo also reported on January 22nd that the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) office in Beirut had denied any connection with the hijacking of an Ethiopian aircraft while on an internal flight from Bahar to Gondar. After the aircraft had landed at Benghazi on January 23rd, the Libyan radio reported that one of the hijackers told the Libyan News Agency that he and his three colleagues belonged to the ELF, and that they had hijacked the aircraft on the orders of the Front’s Secretariat. They were four Addis Ababa University students 1, Mussie T Mikel, 2, Yohannes Sebhatu, 3, Amanuel Yohannes and 4, Debesai Gebreselassie. They all joined PLF and Amanuel was killed in 1972 while hijacking another plane. [SOURCE AEROPLANE HIJACKINGS BY ERITREANS 1969-1971]

According to Bahru Zewde (2014) the hijackers chose to go to Libya but eventually joined the EPLF in 1972.

The decision was made by the hijackers to join the EPLF because they thought the EPLF would be a genuinely democratic front.  It could also be that when Mussie taught at St George School,  Mendefera he developed contact with his former close friend and founder of the EPLF Isayas. I dare say the EPLF could have provided the hand grenades and pistols that were used for the hijacking operation.

5.Mussie T Mikel:  joined the EPLF, 1972

Mussie Tesfamichael, Yohannes Sebhatu, Amanuel Yohannes and Debesai Gebre Selassie joined the EPLF when the ELF-PLF was formed by merging, in January 1972. They arrived at Gereger Sudan where the EPLF’s (PLF) base area was located, Yohannes was appointed immediately as director of publications and information because he had previous experience of working for the Ethiopia Herald.  
Amanuel Yohannes was sent on another hijacking mission to Addis Ababa from Gereger Sudan. To accomplish his task Amanuel flew to Addis Ababa from abroad disguised as a businessman. On 8 of December 1972 Amanuel Yohannes was killed with six others in an attempt to hijack the Ethiopian Airline Boeing. Petros Tesfagiorgis (2001) states that Amanuel asked a comrade Mesfun Araya to go to Asmara, contact the EPLF and bring hand grenades and pistols for the hijacking.  Mesfun took risks to bring arms for the hijacking then flew to USA before the group met their death.  

መስፍን  ኪኢላ ወዳቢ ብምንባሩ አብተን አብ ኣዲስ አበባ  ዝትኻየዳ  ስለስተ ናይ ነፋሪት ም[] ዋይ  ስርሒትታ ኣብ ድሕሪ መጋረ[]  ኩይኑ ይዋሳ  ነይሩ ቀንዲ ወድብቲ ግን ተመስገን  ሃይለ እማኒኣል ዮሐንስ  ኢዮም፥ እብ ኣዲስ አበባ  ን[]ውያ ነፍርቲ ብረትን ቦምብ ስለ ዝደለዩ በ[]ልቲ ብይቱ እመሪኽእዊት  ስል ዝነበሪት ሐንፈስ ጋሉ ሒዙ ንአስመራ ከይዱ   እማኒኣል ዮሐንስ  እብ    ኣዲስ አበባ   ክይኑ ሊኢኹውእ፥ ብረትን ቦምብ  አብ ሳንጠ ጋሉ

Debessai was appointed as the political commissioner of platoon and Mussie as the head of political education in the training camp. Markakis (1987: 136) states Mussie Tesfai Mikael was a talented agitator and skilled dialectician who had honed these skills in the student movement. In recognition of his talents, he was put in charge of political education in the training camp, where he gained a reputation among the recent recruits.Woldemariam, Michael described Mussie as a gifted orator capable of mobilizing a significant number of cadres, and as a political commissar and head of political education, he was well positioned  

Mussie as a political commissar

ስዉእ ተጋ ሙሴ ተስፋሚካኤል እዚ ውድብ ዚ ከይዱ ከይዱ ውልቀ ሰብ ዝመልኮ ከምቲ ኣብ ቺለ ዝርከብ ቀንጻሊ መንግስቲ ፒኖሸ ክተክል እዩ ዝቃለስ ዘሎ ዝበለ

According to Gaim the leaders of the EPLF, particularly Isayas knew the radical background of these individuals and yet they were given central positions as new recruits. They filled key strategic positions that no leadership with the said proclivities would voluntarily relinquish to individuals on the basis of their ability rather than loyalty. This was, however the last time individuals were appointed to key positions according to their competency rather than because of blind loyalty to the Fronts and its leader, Isayas Afwerki  [Kibreab, 2008 :283)
Although Mussie and Yohannes were appointed to key positions, Isayas was uncomfortable, with them, from their first arrival and he started to oversee daily their activities. Isayasin particular was accused of overseeing everyone’s work, of censoring all publications, thereby undermining the cadres.

Meharena in his recollection of Menka mentions that in the early formation of the PLF2, or Hizbawi Hailetat, the Front didn’t have a constitution, a programme or elected leaders.  The Front just had  a few  military rules. For example, breaking a needle, or seen behaving suspiciously, received 7 days punishment.  But later when well-educated progressive fighters joined the front, Isayas instructed them to revise and expand the Front’s rules. veteran Tesfamicahel in his interview also remembers that Mussie Tesfamichael and other progressive fighters held a symposium to draft a constitution and programme for the EPLF (PLF2) but was not implemented for four years until the First Congress of the EPLF held in 1977

Haile Menkerios who had worked in the information and propaganda department recalled Mussie Tesfamichael became frustrated with the slow pace of political development and pushed for a rapid transformation of these groups into a revolutionary political formation, challenging Isayas’s leadership.

Furthermore Mussie who joined the Front during the civil war, knew that the civil war was caused by a power struggle between the ELF and EPLF leaders, and always questioned with other progressive fighters why the fratricidal civil war against the ELF was continuing instead of focusing on organizational issues such as having an elected democratic leadership. Therefore the progressive educated fighters and particularly Mussie and Yohannes started to raise fundament questions, challenging the EPLF (PLF2) leadership over its undemocratic nature and particularly Afeworki’s style of leadership.

All the above became contributing factors for the rise of a progressive rectification movement in autumn of 1973.  The movement was started on 11 of September and led by Mussie and Yohannes to challenge the ELF-PLF leadership over the undemocratic nature of the leadership. 

According to Gaim the criticisms against the leadership included violation of the fighters’ rights; abuse of power and failing in a “wide range of areas: administration, supply of health and military. Much of the criticism of the leadership was concentrated on Isyas Afwerki. ( Pool 2001:76 cited by Kibreab, 2008 :256)

Gaim adds that Mussie Tesfamichael and Afwerki Teklu submitted a paper in which most of the failings of the leadership were spelled out. The paper begins by defining the meanings of democracy and democratic organization. In their view the People’s Liberation Forces suffered from a deficit of democracy both in administration and executions. In order to demonstrate this they gave many examples that showed that the administration of the People’s Liberation Forces was permeated by inefficiency, poor organization, dearth of democracy and failings in a wide range of areas, including in the military sphere. [Kibreab, Gaim 2008:p244]
After spelling out many examples to demonstrate the level of inefficiency, lack of democracy and abuse of power Mussie and Afwerki Telklu asked why these failures had not been rectified. In their view, the single most important cause of the endless failing of the leadership was lack of accountability.

Isayas and the rest of the EPLF leadership accused the leaders of the Menquae group of lying, and Isaias used regionalism as a card against progressive fighters to repress the democracy movement. According to Mengsteab (2005:51) Isayas succeeded to brainwash a large number of his political operatives that the opposition was an Akele Guzai undertaking.  In fact, Mussie and Yohannes Sebhatu were too internationalist in their outlook to fall for regionalist appeals.

This is also confirmed by Gaim who states that the accusation of regionalism against the leaders of Menka was false.  The main leaders of Menquae were known communists. The EPLF leadership’s accusation would seem therefore to be part of the overall project of demonization and vilification of the movement. As a consequence of the EPLF leadership’s accusation, Yohannes and other educated fighters were arrested for being part of the “Menquae uprising, 

Mussie was not only talented agitator, a brilliant Marxist and skilled dialectician but also one of those gallant EPLF fighters who fought in various battles, during the civil war. He fought from Gerger Sudan to Gerger Asmara, and was wounded.  He also fought  in a fierce battle with Ethiopia for 13 consecutive days in Sahel which was the first battle in the history of the EPLF since its formation or split from the ELF in 1970.  The battle was not guerrilla warfare but fighting to hold positions from Alekeb, Marat to Alghen (ዓላኬብ ማራት ክሳዕ ኣልጌን).

According  to various sources when Mussie challenged Isayas's autocratic leadership, Isayas  ordered Mussie and his supporters  to lay down their weapons,  but later  when  the Ethiopia forces launched the offensive  to crush the EPLF,  Isayas  allowed Mussie and his followers  to   participate in  the battle. After the Ethiopia forces were defeated, Mussie with his comrades was arrested.  According to Welde Mariam, Mussie Tesfa Mikel and Mebrahtu Weldu, two of the leaders of the Menquae group were arrested on 1st February 1974, on the day that the Derg rebelled against Haile Selassie.  This happened following Ethiopian forces suffering heavy causalities which contributed to the Second Division at Asmara mutinying, and imprisoning its commanders, then the military revolted against Haile Selassie.

6. How the leaders of Menka were imprisoned, 1974

The arrest of 11 former government ministers (G15) on September 18, 2001, following the 9/11 terrorist attacks in New York was similar to the Menquae group’s arrest on 1st February 1974.  According to Welde Mariam (2007), the first imprisoning happened on 1st February 1974, exactly the date when Derg rose up against Haile Selassie. Was it a coincidence? At 5:30 pm at Arag, Mussie Tesfa Mikel and Mebrahtu Weldu were imprisoned.

Veteran Tesfamichael also remembers how the Menquae leaders were imprisoned on that day. Here is his interview transcrided in Tigriyna language:

እቲ ውግእ ምስኢትዮፕያ ን14 ምዓልቲ ዓቢ ውግእ እዩ ነይሩ!! እቲ ውግእቲ ኣብ ታሪኽ ኤርትራ ናይ መጀመርታ እዪ፤ መኽንያቱ ሓደ ውሑድ ቁጽሪ፥ ንኽልተ ሰሙን፥ ዝኸውን ምስሓደ ዓርሞሾሽ፥ ሓይሊ፤ ቦታ ናቐያየረ፥ 2 ሰሙን፥ብዘይምቁራጽ እዩ ተኻይዱ፥ እዚ ሞቶ ስድስት ዝብሃል' ንመጀመርታ ግዜ ኣብ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ተራእዩ፤፥ እቲ ውግእ ምስተወደአ መሪሕነት ምእሳር ጀሚራ መጀመርታ ዝትኣስሩ፥ ኣፈወርቂ ተኽሉን ታረቀ ይሕደጎን'ዮም፤ ነዞም ክልተ ምስኣሰረቶም መሪሕነት፥ ስለምንታይ ትኣሲሮም ዝብል ተቓውሞ' ይመጽእ፤፥

መሪሕነት ምእሳር ጀሚራ ስለዘላ፥ ሙሴ ተስፋምካኤል ንፔጥሮስ ሰለሙን መልእኽቲ ሰዲድሉ፤፥ ፔጥሮስ ሰለሙን ናይ ሃንደሳ፥ ፈንጅታት ክቐብሩ ተንቀሳቒሶም፥ ስለዝነበሩ፥ ፔጥሮስ ካብዝኾነ ሓላፍነት ወሪዱ እዩ ነይሩ፤፥ መሪሕነት ምእሳር ጀሚራ ስለዘላ ዓጢቕኩም ከልጢፍኩም፡ምጹ ዝብል መልእኽቲ፥ ካብ ሙሴ ተማሓላሊፍሎም፤፥ ሙሴ ውን ደስኪሉ እዪ ነይሩ ሽዑ፤፥ ሕጂ እቲ መልእኽቲ ጠሊፎሞ፥ ፔጥሮስ ሰለሙን መድፍዕ ሒዙ ተሰሪዑ ክመጽእ ከሎ፥ ኣብ ድብያ ኣትዮም ኩሎም ተታሒዞም፤ ኩሎም ተታሒዞም ካኣ ኣብ ሓለዋ ሰውራ ኣትዮም፥፣

ብዓል ሙሴ ውን ተታሒዞም ሓለዋ ሰውራ ኣትዮም፥። ብዓል ጆን ውን ኮምኡ፥ ንኹላ ምጥርናፍ ኮይና፤ ኩላ ሰብ ክትኣቱ ምስጀመረት እታ ሓይሊ ናይ ብዓል ትኩእ የሕደጎ፥ እታ ሓይሊ ናቱ ትንቀሳቐስ ማለት'ዩ ስለምንታይ ትኣሲሮም ኢላ፤፥ ሓላፊና ስለምንታይ ትኣሲሩ ብዝብል፥ ብዓል ሃብተምካኤል፥ ወልደገርግሽ፥ ሓዉ ነዚ ዓንደብርሃን ማለት'ዩ፥ ንሱ ዝመርሓ ጉጅለ፥ ትንቀሳቐስ ማለት'!ዩ፥ ምእስር ምስበዝሐ ካብቶም መሪሕነት ሓደ ተወልደ ኢዮም እዚ ትወስድዎ ዘለኹም ስጉምቲ፥ ጌጋ፥ እዩ፥፣ ኣነ ካብ ጀብሃ ዝተፈለኽሉ መኽንያት፥ ጀብሃ ብትገብሮ ዝነበረት ምእሳርን ምቕንጻልን' ጸሊአ እየ ተፈልየ፥ ስለዚ' ንስኻትኩም ውን ኣብቲ ንሕና ዝመስረትናዮ ውድብ፥ ምቕንጻልን፡ምእሳርን፥ ከምዚ ዓይነት ስጉምቲ ክትወስዱ፥ ኣንጻር እቲ ዝተፈለናሉ እላማ ስለዝኾነ፥ ኣቅበሎን'የ፥ ኢልዎም፥ ስለዚ ትፈትሕዎም እንተዳኣኬንኩም ጽቡቕ እንተዘይኮይኑ፥ ኣነ ኣይእከብን'የ ምሳኻትኩም ኢልዎም፤፥ እዚ ናይ ተወልደ ኢዮብ መግለጺ ብጽሑፍ እዩ ሂብዎም፥ ደብዳበ ጽሒፉ ብጽሑፍ'ዪ ሂብዎም፤፥[3ይ ክፋል ቃለ-መሕተት ምስ ገዲም ተጋዳላይ ተስፋምካኤል ተኽለብርሃን ቅሱን]

Welde Mariam in his interview with Aida Kidane also says:

“When the Menquae leaders were arrested, Habte Kidane (Gorilla) and I strongly protested and said we wound never stop our protest until the problem is resolved. We demand a meeting with the leadership and were told to lay down our weapons as precondition. Then we met leaders (Solomon and Romadan. Isayas) from 11am to 1:30- 2 pm,  After the meeting we were told either to return to our ganta (platoon) or be put in jail, Because  we refused to return  to our platoon, they arrested us  on the 2nd February 1974.

Welde Mariam adds:

“We were imprisoned in an old half demolished Italian house. Later, Mussie Tesfa Mikel and Mebrahtu Weldu, then Vinac of Adi Nefas, Afwerki Amharay, Yohannes and Habte Selassie were brought to the prison.    After lengthy interrogations other prisoners were added, namely 'Dottore' Mikel Pharmacist, Dr Rusom also a pharmacist, and four women,  Werku, Dehab, Aberash and Masho, who were interrogated as were the men Menquae leaders who were questioned and beaten by the interrogators during the nights.     readmore 

Meharena Hadgu who was also prisoner and eyewitness states that those of us who suggested the conflict be solved peacefully were imprisoned. The interrogators took us one by one to beat us to confess.  We could not move an inch, even if a snake came to bite us we would ask the guard first if we could move.  We were infested with lice. Prisoners are placed with their backs to the tree, with about 3 guards to each group. We cannot talk to each other. If a person wants to urinate, he asks the guard for permission who answers ‘wait’. The guards had complete power over us and were cruel. The prisoner has tied hands and legs and after beaten put in the sun all day.

Meharena Hadgu adds there is a plant called Ubel growing on riverbanks and while it dries, it twists like a whip.  The hurt from the beatings on the back becomes open wounds. Some have died from this beating.  If a person wails while being whipped, cloth is stuffed into his mouth and only the eyes communicate. The beaten person faints and goes into shock, shaking. It happened to me and I saw it on others. . Read full story

Regarding the cruel interrogation  of Menquae group prisoners, Abed Tesfay a veteran EPLF fighter  who had joined the  front in 1973, wrote on Facebook  how Dr Haile Mehestun, one of the imprisoned of the Menquae group, was badly beaten during interrogation  and attempted to commit suicide because of  the  psychological  torture  and  physical wounds he had suffered during  the interrogation.

Adhanom Fitew who was also  imprisoned in 1976, in his paper “Memories of Menkae” mentions that a prison guard confessing later of guarding Mussie and  his comrades said that the lice on the men were so many that a bullet was preferred. A prisoner cannot by himself scratch or move because he would be beaten for that action. It was such hot weather that the lice should not have survived, but it spread more. Mussie and his comrades suffered much. Some fighters on their way to fetch waster from the river saw Mussie and his comrades, and they couldn’t recognized them. They looked like skeletons with their eyes were bulging out. Though food was scarce all around, the prisoners tortured, lice ridden and the least fed. Memories of Menkae and After by Adhanom Fitew

.ኣነ ብ1974 ናብቲ ውድብ ክኣቱ ከሎኹ ተኣሲሮም ጸኒሖሙኒ። ሓደ ግዜ ኣብ ክፍሊ ታዕሊም እንከሎና፡ በጋጣሚ ምስ ሓደ ብጻይ ማይ ከነምጽእ ምስ ወረድና፡ ካብቶም እሱራት ብብረት ተሓሊዮም ማይ ከምጽኡ ረኣናዮም። ኩነታት ኣካላቶም መግለጺ ዘይብሉ ዘስካሕክ ነበረ። ካብ መቓብር ወጺኡ ጠጠው ኢሉ ዝኸይድ ኣስከረን ይመስሉ ነይሮም። እቲ ዝነበረ ማእሰርቲ ዘስካሕክሕ ኢዩ። ቁማል በሊዑካ ክትሓክኽ ዘይፍቀድ ኩነታት ኢዩ ነይሩ። እንደገና ካብ 1975 ስጋብ 1977 ምንቅስቓስ መንካዕ ደጊሱ። ኣብያተ-ማእሰርቲ ስንጭሮታት ሳሕል መሊኡ፡ ኣሃዱታት ጥረሐን ዝተረፋሉ ግዜ ኢዩ ነይሩ። ስለዚ ጭካኔ ኢሳያስ ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ ኣብ ኣሰመራ ጊሂዱ’ምበር፡ ኣብ ሳሕል ኢዩ ተጀሩ። source from ቃልሲ ኢሳያ ንስልጣን by A dhanomFitew

Aklilu Zere describes the cruel and inhuman interrogation techniques that were used  in the EPLF prison, Halewa Sewra (Revolutinary Guard). According to Akilu some of the torture techniques were used in Halewa Sewra, in 1975, and even earlier.  The accused was placed three feet from a blank 6 feet wall for 4-6 hours daily during the hottest periods of the day, 10 am – 4 am. They were not allowed to move any part of their bodies even if mosquitoes or flies swarmed them and if they did, 4 lashes of stick rained on them.[SourceThe Tears of a sadist By Aklilu Zere - Jun 25, 2007

Generally the methods used by the EPLF to punish prisoners in the ‘70s, were by keeping prisoners standing for long hours, sleep deprivation, force them to lie in one position for many days , withhold water, keep them in dark for days and then expose them to direct light so they would be dazzled.  They were also not a aloud to converse among themselves or have any outside contact.  

7.THE EPLF PRISON : Halewa Sewra (Gestapo section of the EPLF

The illustration below shows that how the Menquae leaders and  their sympathisers were interrogated at the EPLF prison in 1974 and 1975. This is an illustration by one former Menquae sympathise who managed to escape from the EPLF prison in 1975.

THE EPLF PRISON : Halewa Sewra (Gestapo section of the EPLF)

    ኣብ ሓለዋ ሰውራ ንተጋደል ቲዘሳቕዩን ዝቕጥቕጡን ካብ ዝነበሩ ገለ አባላት ሓለዋ ሰውራ

    ደም ንጹሃት ተጋደልቲ

  • ወዲ ጸጋይ (ብግዜሃይለስላሴፖሊስዝነበረ፡

  • ተስፋልደት ሚኪኤል “ቀሃስ” ዝጽዋዕ ጥቓ ወ.ወ.ክ.ማ.ዕዳጋ ሓሙስግዝኡዝነበረ

  • የማነ “ተንሽን” ካብ ደቀምሓረ

  • ኣማኑኤል ተስፋሁነኝ “ቀይሽብር”

  • ኣማኑኤል ልጃም

  • ኣማኑኤል ጳውሎስ (ካብቶም ንጂ15 ክእሰሩ እንከለዉ ኣብ ላንድክሩዘር ዝጽበ ዝነበረ

  • “ታንዱር”

  • ወልደዝጊ

  • ወዲ ዋስዕ

  • ተኪኤ “ወዲ ቐሺ” ካብ ዓዲ ንፋስ (ንኢትዮጵያ ኢዱ ሂቡ፡ ድሓር ብሱዳን ኣቢሉ ናብ ኣሜሪካ፡ ካሊፎርንያ ዝኸደ)

  • ኮሎነል ስምኦን ገብረድንግል

  • ጋይም ተስፋሚኪኤል (ኣብ ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ናይ ወጻኢ ጉዳያት ሓላፊ ዘሎ)

  • ጸጋይ ይስሃቅ (ተመሃራይ ዝነበረ፡ ናብ ተ.ሓ.ኤ ዝሃደመ) ይርክብዎም።ካብዚኣቶም ድሕሪ ነጻነት መዝነት ዝረኸቡ ኣለዉ 





Source EPLF Prison System of 1970s in picture

The above illustration clearly shows the interior of Halewa Sewra, where Yohannes and other Menkae  leaders  imprisoned and tortured  in 1974.

The central prison of the EPLF had 7 units. All political prisoners like Menquae and Yemine were imprisoned in no 3.  Teklay Aden,EPLF security chief who defected to the Ethiopian regime in 1981, described Halewa Sewra in the following:

‘The most criminal and notorious organ within the EPLF is known as 'Halewa Sewra or the security department. This is the Gestapo section in the EPLF assigned with the task of arresting, torturing and killing elements who oppose the leadership clique. The department was divided into three sections

A.The Surveillance Section: This body is responsible for covering the whole EPLF with a network of agents reporting on each other. EPLF is an organization in which every member takes the other for an agent and therefore has to keep his mouth shut. The majority of the security agents are somehow attached to the leadership clique.

B.The Interrogation Section of 'Halewa Sewra' is a place where all types of untold brutalities recommitted against suspects. Any person accused of opposing the leadership or the EPLF in general is scaled with boiling oil; refused food or water for a long period and forced to sleep over his/her refuse. The fascistic crimes perpetrated against the innocent victims do really drive one mad.; The majority of the suspects die while undergoing 'questioning'.

C.The Prison Section: This is the section which physically liquidates 'enemies' of the EPLF or demoralizes the victims. The prison inmates are not only refused the basic food and medical needs, but are daily subjected to terrorization and self-defacement. Practically none of the survivors of the continued mental and physical torture in the prison can be described as 'survivors'. The firing squads are also stationed in the prison; their assignment is to kill by firing bullets.’ [EPLF an inside story, 1980]

Location of   the Main EPLF prisons between 1974 and 1990.

8.Execution of Mussie and his comrades
, 1975

ንዓይ ቀቲልካ ገዛ ስራሕ!እታ ትሰርሓ ገዛ ግን፥ ኣይክትነብረላን ኢኻ፥፥ ብታሕቲ ፍልሖ ክሕዝዋ'ዮም እሞ ሃዶሽዶሽ ኢላ ድማ ክትፈርስ'ያ፥፥ ገለ ካብ ወርቃዊ ቃላት ሓርበኛ ስውእ ሙሴ ተ/ምካኤል፥ እዚ ወርቃዊ ቃላት ንዝርድኦ ዓቢ ትርጉም'ኣልውዎ፥፥ እዚ ማለት ድማ! ንዓት ቀቲልካ ገዛ ስራሕ ማለት'' ብዋጋ ሓቅነተይ ኣብ ስልጣን ደይብ፥፥ ስልጣንካ ግን ህዝባዊ ሰረት ዘይብሉ ውድብ፥ ስለዝኾነ ሃዶሽዶሽ ኢሉ ክፈርስ'ዩ፥፥ እቶም ብፍልሖ መሲሉና ዘሎ፥፥ ንሕና ኢና ነታ ህዝባዊ ሰረት ዘይብላ ስልጣን ኢሰያስ ድማ ንሕና ኢና ከነፍርሳ፥፥ ሙሴ ኣብ 1973 ስልጣን ኢሰያስ ብኣና ከምዝፈርስ፥ ተረዲእዎ'ስ፥፥ ብኸምዚ መሲልዎ፥፥ ሙሴ ተ/ምካኤል፥ ንጹር ራኢ ዝነበሮ በሊሕ ሰብ' ምንባሩ ኢሰያስ' ውን ባዕሉ ክምስክሮ'ዩ ጽባሕ፥፥ ሙሴ ኣብ ገለ መልእኽቱ ውን ብኸምዚ ዓይነት መልእኽቱ የምሓላልፍ፥፥ ( ንዓይ ክትቀትለኒ ትኽእል ኢኻ ስነ-ሓሳብ ናተይ ግን ፍጹም ክትቀትሎ'ኣይትኽእልን'ኢኻ፥፥) ሰብ ክቕተል ይካኣል'ዩ፥፥ ቁኑዑን ንጹሩን ስነ-ሓሳብ ግን ኣይቅተልን'ዩ፥፥ ስለዝኾነ'ዩ ድማ፥፥ እቲ ሙሴ' ኣብ 1973 ዘልዓሎ ሕቶ ዲሚክራሲ፥፥ እቲ ስነ-ሓሳብ ስለዘትቅተል፥ ድሕሪ፥፥ 40 ዓመታት'' መንእሰይ ወለዶ፥፥ ሕቶ ናይ ሙሴ ኣልዒሉ፥ ይምድር፥፥ ሙሴ ምስ ገለ ስዓብቱ መንካዕ ተባሂሉ' ተቐንጺሉ፥፥ መንካዕ ማለት'ድማ፥፥ እቲ ሕቶ ቁኑዕ ግን ኣብዘይ ግዚኡ ማለት'ዩ፥፥ ሕቶ ዲሞክራሲ ቦታን ግዜን ኣይፈልን እዩ ዲሞክራሲ ኣብ ዘገድሰካ እዋን'ከተልዕሎ'ትኽእል' ወይ ውን ምሉእ መሰል ኣለካ፥፥ መሰልካ ግሂሶም ኣፍካ ዓፊኖም' ንስጋኻ ዝቐትሉ፥ ጠላማትክርከቡ ከለው'ድማ ነብስኻ' እንበር ስለሓሳብካከምዘይቀትልዎ፥፥ ኣብርሃሎም፥፥ መቃብርካ ይቕሰን ኣቦ ፍትሒ ሙሴ ተ/ምካኤል፥፥ ቃልሲ ኢሳያስ ንስልጣን By አድሓኖም ፍትዊ - Jul 02, 2009

Mussie and his comrades were sentenced to death by a military court then executed in Bliquat in 1975. The charging committee was under the top leadership like Mesfin, Isayas and Romadan..  Meharena Hadgu states that Mesfin Hagos was one of the top leadership and nothing is done without their signing. .In the sentence of the Menkae, Alamin, and others were selected as committee.  6-7 committee members were elected.   

Meharena added that a brave member of the leadership, Tewelde Eyob refused to sign for the death sentences of Menka leaders because he believed that, it is not a criminal charge.  Tewelde Eyob  later killed being part of Menka. [Read more].

Woldenkel Haile, who was head of the security department when Menka leaders were arrested , also said that Menka leaders did not commit any crime except breaking military discipline rules  He made clear his stand which was completely different from Issayas and his supporters. Because of this Issayas was not happy and Woldenkel Haile was sent to the Hailitat (front line sometime in 1974. He was killed shortly after the victory by an unidentified gunman at Segeneti, his birth place in 1977.

The Menkae leaders were executed after a military court imposed the death penalty for Musie, Yohannes, Tareke, Afworki, Teklu and others.   According to Welde Mariam on Menkae A head guard stationed in the execution is still alive in German.

Regarding their execution Meharena Hadgu who was one of the prisoner and eyewitness  in his interview with Aida Kidane said we were told of the death decision on the Menka, but not how.  Later we heard from others the prisoners were taken away one by one, and when we asked them how they were killed. I have a friend residing in Atlanta now, who was prisoner after my release. He said they were taken tied with handcuffs (Ganshur, chain). Handcuffs could be brought from Sudan or Ethiopia. The prisoners were taken tied and the handcuffs alone were returned. This means the prisoners were killed. Earlier, we thought they were taken to a "court" because we assumed we had one.[Read full story Menkae memory, by Meharena Hadgu]. Teklay Aden also stated that, the leaders of the movement were  physically liquidated in a very brutal manner.

Adhanom in his interview with Aida also mentioned that, the EPLF leadership spoke publicly told about Menka  leaders  executions before or after the time of the EPLF Congress 1977. [Read full Memories of Menkae and After:Adhanom Fitwi

መስፍን ሓጎስ ብዛዕባ ‘መንካዕ’ ተሓቲቱ ክምልሽ ከሎ፡ “ግቡእ መቕጻዕቶም እዮም ረኺቦም” በለ። እቲ ሕቶ ‘መንካዕ’ ኢሎም ይጸዉዑ እምበር ብኻልእ ኣዘራርባ እቶም ኣብ ቤት ፍርዲ ከይቀረቡ ገበኖም ከይተፈልጠን ከይተመርመረን ብዘይ ሓንቲ ክንዲ ጽፍሪ ትኸውን ቅንጣብ ጌጋ ከይተረኽቦም ብሓሶት ኣልዕል ኣቢልካ ስሞም ብምጽላም ዝቕተሉ ዝነበሩ ዘጠቓልል ሕቶ እዩ ተሓቲቱ። ነቲ ጉዳይ መንካዕ ብከመይ ትገልጾ ተባሂሉ ንዝቐረበሉ ሕቶ፡ ግቡእ መቕጻዕቶም እዮም ረኺቦም ኢሉ ዝሃቦ ብዱዕ መልሲ ኩሉ እዩ ሰሚዑዎ። መሊሱ መቕጻእቲ ዝበሃልexcrept fromወፍሮም ንገዘኦም ዘይተመልሱ (ሳልሳይን ናይ መወዳእታን ክፋል)

Mussie Tesfamicael and Mussie Tekle

ሙሴ ተክለ (መሓሪ ተኽለ) ኣብ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ዝጋደል ዝነበረ ትግራዋይ ጸኒሑ ናብ ተሓሕት (ሕወሓት) ዝከደ ላዕለዋይ ናይ ወተሓደራዊ ሓላፊ ነበር ንዝኽሪ ሙሴ ተስፋምካኤል ኢሊ ሽሙ ካብ መሓሪ ተኽለ ናብ ሙሴ ተኽለ ዝቅየረ ተባዕ ተጋዳልይ እዩ ነይሩ፡ እቲ ዘገርም ግን ኣማውታ ሙሴ መሓሪ ካብ ናይ ሙሴ ተስፋሚካኤል ኣይፍለን እዩ ። ሙሴ መሓሪ ኣብ 1976 ብ ወያነ ከም ዝተቀንጸለ እዩ ዝፍለጥ፡ source from Daniel Merhawi fscebook).አብድ ተስፋይ ብዛዕባ ሙሴ ተክለ (መሓሪ ተኽለ) ከምዚ ይብል :መሓሪ ተኽለ (ሙሴ) 1976 እዩ ተሰዊኡ፡ ኣብ ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት ደቂ ጋንታ ስለ ዝነበርና ንፋልጥ ኢና፣ ኣብ ወርሒ 4-1976 ኣነ ኣብ ዓደረሶ ተወጊአ እናተሓከምኩ ከለኹ መጺኡ ርእዩኒ ንትግራይ ምስ ተመልሰ ኣይደንጎየን ኣብ ናይ ኢድዩ ኲናት ተሰዊኡ ሰሚዐ። እቲ ድሒሩ ዝስማዕ ዘሎ ብብጾቱ ተወቒዑ'ዩ ተሰዊኡ ዝብል፡ ኣብ መጽሓፍ ተስፋይ ገብረኣብ '' ማስታወሻ'' ትባሃል ኣንቢበ ። ክሳብ ክንደይ ሓቂ እዩ፡ ንባሃልቲ ይምልከት። source from Abede Tesfay facebookcomment

ክልተኦም ትኽ-ትንፋስ የዕሩኽ ነይሮም መሓሪ ዕባይ ኣስመራ ወዲ ኣክሱም እዩ ኣም ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት ዲማ ተዘልፉ ይጋደል ነይሩ ኣብ ቅድሚ ዓይኑ ነቶም ንመንነቶም ህወቶም ክከፍሉ ዝዋፈሩ በቶም ሸፋቱ ክሕነቁ ምስ ረኣየ ነቲ ውዲብ ራሕሪሑ ናብ ወያነ ቀየረ ግን ነቲ ዝፈትዎ ዓርኩ ክርሰዖ ስለ ዘይከኣለ ስሙ ናብ #ሙሴ ቀየረ ፡ግን እንታይ ሞ ንኡኡ ዊን ኣራኺቦምሉ ቀንጺሎሞ። ማለለልት ዲማ ነዚ ከተደናግር ንዝክሪ ናይ ቀዳማይ ወያነ ክብል ዩ ቀይርዎ እሎም ሓፋሽ ኣጽሚሞም ተጋዳላይ ግደይ ዘርኢጽዮን ግን እቲ ሓቂ ደርጉሑዎ የቀንየልና።
ንምሉእ ትሕዝቶ VOA Tigrigna 30 ሰነ 2017።

In February 1974, the Marxists within TUSA welcomed the Ethiopian Revolution but opposed the Derg (the military junta that ruled Ethiopia from 1974 to 1987) as they were convinced that it would neither lead a genuine socialist revolution nor correctly resolve the Ethiopian nationality question. Three days after the Derg took power, on 14 September 1974, seven leaders of this trend established the Association of Progressives of the Tigray Nation (Tigrinya: ማሕበር ገስገስቲ ብሔረ ትግራይ, Mahbär Gäsgästi Bəher Təgray), also known as Tigrayan National Organization (TNO): Alemseged Mengesha (nom de guerre: Haylu), Ammaha Tsehay (Abbay), Aregawi Berhe (Berhu), Embay Mesfin (Seyoum), Fentahun Zere'atsion (Gidey), Mulugeta Hagos (Asfeha) and Zeru Gesese (Agazi). TNO was to prepare the ground for the future armed movement of Tigray.[30] It secretly approached both the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) for support but the ELF already had relations with the TLF. In November 1974 the EPLF agreed to train TNO-members and allowed EPLF-fighters from the Tigrayan community in Eritrea, among them Mehari Tekle (Mussie), to join the TPLF. The first batch of trainees was sent to the EPLF in January 1975.[31]source

[ Read more]

9.After the imprisonment of Menquae leaders

Purges, imprisonments and liquidations did not stop after the Menquae leaders were arrested.  In fact it got much worse after many university graduates and students joined the EPLF in 1975. 
In 1975 and 1976 a large number of the recruits who had joined the EPLF from high schools and university became victims to witch-hunts.  Those students were not made welcome by the EPLF leaders, and anyone whose background was of a student or graduate came under close surveillance since s/he was in training. This was confirmed by Adhanom in his interview with Aida Kidane in 2004 when described the circumstances of the educated who joined the EPLF: 

“When I joined the EPLF in 1974, the Menquae movement had already started in September 1973, and I found the leaders of Menquae in prison. I was a student at the Addis Ababa University and we knew nothing about the Menquae. Very few people knew of it. And in the field immediately we were suspected without justification of sympathizing with the Menquae movement - because we came from Addis Ababa University. This made us concerned" Read more.

Dr. Bereket who joined the EPLF in March 1975 and travelled to Sahel for five days (6  to 11 of  March ) with five hundred trainers most of them students or university graduates, wrote  in his personal notes, published in the Crown and the Pen, 2007 ( pp.315-316)

“I would find out months later that they did survive and had become physically fit and adept at desert warfare. Moreover they had turned a corner, having been purged of what their trainers called drummed into them during months of training.” [check this quote; should it not be “ did not survive” and the last sentence doesn’t make sense]

Sherman( 1980:64) also states that in 1976 perhaps as many as 200 young EPLF intellectuals were arrested. Solomon Woldemariam, who was in the EPLF leadership from 1971-1977, suggested that the number of people killed was much larger. Solomon added that around one thousand fighters who participated in the Menquae movement were rehabilitated after undergoing serious political indoctrination and self-criticism ( Mengiseab,49:2005). 

Furthermore,Teklay Aden, former an EPLF security chief who defected to the Ethiopian regime in 1981, revealed that three thousand fighters were physically liquidated by the Front between 1973 and the time of his defection, in 1980

Following the death of Menquae leaders, fighters who showed sympathy for the Menquae leaders met the same fate. Debesai Gebreselassie was one of them.  Debesai was not arrested later, in 1976, because he was not in the movement, and executed in 1979. Based on information obtained from other sources, he went for medication abroad and was arrested after returning to the field, and executed at Arag  in 1979 [For more detail information about Debessay please click here]

Habte Gorilla and Habte Ab Seyum who had been wounded as fighters went for treatment to Beirut were also taken away to Sahel and killed on their return.  According to Weldemariam Abraham, there was another fighter called Gebreamlak Isak a petro-chemical engineer from Kiev who was taken to Halaw Sewara and disappeared.  

Tewolde Eyob  one of those five EPLF leader who disagreed with members of the EPLF leaders over the arrest of the  Menquae leaders, was himself arrested as were the 11 former government ministers and EPLF leaders (G15) who were  arrested 2001.  Tewolde Eyob has been also arrested without having committed any crime, in 1975, and executed at Arag,  in 1979.

Weldekel Haile who was the most distinguished military leader was killed shortly after the liberation of Segeneti by an unidentified gunman at Segeneti, his birth place, because of his stand on Menquae leaders which was completely different from Issayas.  In 1973 Woldenkel Haile was head of the security department, has said that the Menquae leaders imprisoned had broken military discipline rules but had not committed any crime.

In 1970s fighters who joined the EPLF and asked about the Menquae killings were met with suspicion. Some of them were also killed under various pretexts and sometimes disguised as suicide.  Examples of this are the mysterious deaths of Doctors Mekonnen Haile and Biement, who were both old friends of Yohannes and Mussie.  We were told that both had committed suicide which was a common phenomenon within the EPLF in the 1970s and 1980s.

Similarly, the mysterious death of Petros Yohaneson,  in 1978, was reported as a car accident According to Hapner, the Menquae members who were later executed by the EPLF had many friends and former classmate within the ELFNA, and the incident disillusioned more than a few among them Petros Yohannes.

Petros who was a good friend of Yohannes Sebhatu and Afowerki Teklu, started to inquire about the injustice of the Menquae group's arrest. Why were fighters who belonged to it imprisoned? They had asked only for democracy. And what other things had the EFL done? What was the reason for Shaba’s split from the ELF?
Consequently Petros became a target of the EPLF which probably led to his mysterious death in 1978.

Mengeastab who was an influential member of EFLNA’s leadership after raising similar questions went to the field in 1975, with Paulos Tesfagiogris,  to find out what had happened to the Menquae group.  According Dr Bereket Habte Selassie book Paulos Tesfagiorgis reported back:

“Those executed were guilty of incitement and creating division. Our report created calmness. We were the first people from the North American community who had been there, so no one could challenge us. Our word was the word. Single handed, we made the Front look fantastic”.
Paulos’s report on the dissident movement, Menquae, was based on the EPLF’s version, which denounced the movement as anarchist.   The report presented by Paulos was baseless and not supported by Mengisteab.

Paulos received the Thorolf Rafto Memorial Prize in 2003 for his work on human rights and democracy advocates.  How does he feel when he looks back to  his report on Menquae  that presented to member of EFLNA in 1975?

.During the liberation struggle many innocent liberation fighters and civilians became victims of the former revolutionary leaders who are currently serving in the Eritrean government or in the Opposition. The opposition leaders are not innocent of crime. They, like the PFDJ leaders whom they accuse of committing crimes against the Eritrean people since 1991, are also guilty.

Generally, the crimes against innocent citizens was not begun in 2001 by the PFDJ but has a longer history of repression, human rights violation and injustices. The roots extend back to the 1960s.  Lesson need to be learnt from the negative experiences of the past.. The lack of democratic practice and intolerance of dissent by former Eritrean revolutionary leaders became entrenched after the 1991 liberation and have continued with as Gedli

Glory to our martyrs.

10.ሕቶታት ብዛዕባ' ታሪኻዊ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ምስ ገዲም ተጋዳላይ ተስፋምካኤል ተኽለብርሃን (ቅሱን)
2ይ ክፋል

እቲ ምንቅስቃስ ናይ ብ1973 ይጅምር እቲ ህቡብን ብተጋደልቲ ፍትዉን ዝኾነ ሙሴ ተስፋምካኤል፥ ትሃሪሙ! እንተኾነ ተጋደልቲ ከሰምዑ ብምባል እቲ ማህረምቲ ክሕባእ እዩ ትሓሲቡ ነይሩ፤፥ ብዝኾነ ግን እቲ ማህረምቲ ስለዝተራእየ ሙሴ ውን ሃራሚኡ ክፈልጥ ስለዘለዎ፥ ሙሴ ሃራሚኡ ኣይፈልጥን'ዩ፥ ነይሩ፤ ኣብ ሕክምና ሃለዋቱ ምስ ፈለጠ፥
ከይትነግርዎ ተባሂሉ ካልእ ሳዕቤን ከይመጽእ፥ ተባሂሉ፤፥

ሕቶ፥ ሐራይ እስከ ኣብዛ ናይ መንካዕ ከነዕልል፥ እቲ መበገሲ ናይ መንካዕ እንታይ እዩ፥ ነይሩ? እንታይ ዓይነት ሕቶ'ዩ ነይሩ? ክሳብ ሞት ዘብጽሕ ድዩ ከ?
መልሲ፥ እወ እንታይ ይመስለካ እቲ መበገሲ'ዝነበረ ኩነታት ከምዚ ዝብለካ ዘለኹ፥ ኣብ መሪሕነት ሓደ ዓቢ ግርጭት ነይሩ፤እቶም መሪሕነት ክብሃል ከሎ፥ ብፍላይ እቲ ናይ ሰልፊ ናጽነት ወገን ዝነበረ መሪሕነት፥ ኣብ ሞንጎ ተወልደ ኢዮብን ኣስመሮም ገብ/ዝጋብሄርን በቲ ሓደ ወገን፥ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ድማ ሰለሙን ወልደማርያም ዘለዎም፥ ኣብ ሞንጎ እዚኣቶም ምስሕሓባት፥ ነይሩ፤፥
እቲ ምስሕሓብ ጎሊሑ ዝረአ ዝነበረን ኩሉ ሰብ ዝፈልጦን ምስሕሓብ'ዩ ነይሩ፤፥ ምስ'ዚ ጉዳያት እዚ ዝትኣሳሰረ፥ ኣኼባታት ነዚ ግርጭት፥ ንምፍታሕ ናይ ሓለፍቲ ኣኼባ' ክግበር ጀሚሩ፤፥
ኣብቲ ናይ መጀመርታ ዝተገብረ፥ ናይ ሓለፍቲ ኣኼባታት፥ክፍታሕ ኣይተኻእለን!! ስፍሕ ዝበለ ካብ ቀዳማይ ወገን ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት ዝትሓወስዎ ግፍሕ ዝበለ ኣኼባ ይገበር ተባሂሉ፥ ሓደ 40 ዝኾኑ፥ ሰባት ትኣኪቦም ማለት'ዩ፤፥ ነቲ ሽግር ክፈትሑ ተባሂሎም፤፥ ኣብዚ ሽግር እዚ እቲ፥ዝበዝሕ ክስታት ናብ ሰለሙን ወልደማርያም ዝቐርብ ዝነበረ ክስታት፥እዩ፤፥ እቲ ክስታት ድማ ሰለሙን ወልደማርያም ብኣውራጅነት ይንቀሳቐስ ኣሎ ዝብል፥ 2ይ ድማ ኣብታ ናይ ስርያ ኣዲስ ዝብሃል ስርያ ኣዲስ ዝብሃል ኣብ ጀብሃ ዝተቐንጸሉ ነይሮም፤፥ ካብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ዝተሰለፉ፥ ዓበይትን ምሁራትን'ዮም ነይሮም፤ ብኣዲስ ኣበባ ገይሮም ናብ ጀብሃ ዝተሰለፉ፥ 1969 ኣብ ሓሊበት ዝብሃል ሳሕል፥' ጀብሃ እዚኣቶም ምስ ኣብርሃም ተወልደ ክፍለዩ እዮም፥ ዝብል፥ ኮምኡ ኣብርሃም ተወልደ ክኽተቡ ኣይደልዮምን እዪ ነይሩ፥ መኽንያቱ ጀብሃ' እቲ ጉባኤ ኣዶብሓ፥ ክሳብ ዝግበር፥ ዝኾነ ክታበት ጠጠው ክብል'ተባህሉ፥ኣብርሃም ተወልደ ውን ናይቲ ስሙር ሓይሊ፥መሪሕነት ተመሪጹ ነይሩ፤ 1968 ሓደ ካብኣቶም ስለዝነበረ፤ ኣብቲ ከባቢ ኣከለጉዛይ ይንቀሳቕስ ስለዝነበረ፤ ኣብ ኣከለጉዛይን ሰምሃርን ማለተይ'ዩ፤፥
ንሰለሙን ወልደማርያም ዝኾነ ክታበት ከይገብር ከልኪልዎ ነይሩ፤፥ ሰለሙን ወልደማርያም ግን ሓቢኡ ከቲብዎም፤፥

ሕቶ-- ሰለሙን ወልደማርያም ንባዓል መን'ዩ ዝኸትቦም፡ነይሩ?
መልሲ---እቶም ዝተቐንጸሉ ኣብ ስርያ ኣዲስ፥ ዝብሃል፥ ሓቢኡ ስለዝኸተቦም፥ ካብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ መጺኦም ኣብ ሓደ ሕቡእ፥ ቦታ ሓቢእዎም ከምዘሎ፥ ተፈሊጡ!! እዚኣቶም ካኣ እንድሕር እቲ ጉባኤ ኣዶብሓ፥ እንድሕር ገለ ኮይኑ፥ ኣብ ልዕሌና ንዝውሰድ ስጉምቲ፥ ሓይሊ ክንድርብ ኢና ብምባል ዝገብሮ፡ዝነበረ ፋሉላዊ ኣካይዳ'ዩ፥፣
ኣብርሃም ተወልደ ምስፈለጠ፥ ምስ ሰለሙን፥ ብዙሕ ምስሕሓባት ጌሮም'ዮም፤፥ እቲ ኣብቲ ኣኼባ ብዛዕባ ኣኼባ ኢና ንዛረብ ዘለና፥ ሰለሙን ወልደማርያም ንስኻ ኢኻ ጠንቆም ዝብልን ብኣውራጃን ተኸሲሱ፥ ነዞም 250 ብሬን ተኺሎም እዮም ረሺኖሞም ጀብሃ ኣብ ሓሊበት ዝብሃል ቦታ፥

ሕቶ፥ እዞም ብጆብሃ ዝተረሸኑ፥ 250 ተጋደልቲ ናይ ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት ድዮም ነይሮም??
መልሲ--ገና ገና ኣይተፈለዪን ኣለዉ! ኣብ ጀብሃ እዮም ነይሮም ኣብ መጀመርያ 70ታት እዮም ተረሺኖም፥ ናይዚኦም ምርሻን ድማ ነብርሃም ተወልደ ኣቖጢዕዎ'ዩ፥ ብኸምዚ፡ድማ ምስ ሰለሙን ንምንታይ ከቲብካዮም ዝብል ኣስሓሓብ ነይሩ፤
ኣብርሃም ተወልደ ክፍለ ከምዘለዎ ዝወሰነ ናይ ኪዳነ ክፍሉን ወልዳይ ጊደን፥ መቕተልቲ፥ ኣብ ከሰላ፥ ምስሰመዐ፥ ቃልሲ ተፈሊኻ'ዩ ዝብል መርገጺ ወሲዱ፣ ኣብ ዓላ ተፈልዩ ውጺኢት ናይቲ ኣኼባታት ይከታተል ነይሩ፥፣ ብድሕሪ'ዚ ጉባኤ ኣዶብሓ ተወዲኡ ብድሕሪ ምርጫ ድሮ ንድሮ፥ ጀብሃ ክትኣስር ጀሚራ ተባሂሉ ተላቢዑ፥ ወልዳይ ጊደይን ኪዳነ ክፍሉን ከምዝተቐትሉ ኩሉ ሰብ ሰሚዑ፥ ብድሕሪ'ዚ ኣብርሃም ተወልደ ህዝቢ ኣኪቡ፥ ተፈሊናሉ ዘለና መኽንያት ምስ ጀብሃ ክንጉዓዝ ኣይንኽእልን ኢና ኢሉ ንህዝቢ ነጊሩ፥ ንህዝቢ ዓላ ማለት'ዩ፤፥
ሕጂ ኣብቲ ናይ 1973 ክምንምለስ፥ ንሰለሙን ብዙሕ ክስታት ተመስሪትሉ፥ ከምዚ ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝተጠቕሰ ማለት'ዩ፤፥ ሙሴ ተስፋምካኤል እዚ ውድብ እዚ ኣካይድኡ ጥዑይ ኣይኮነን፥ኣብዚ ውድብ ዲሞክራሲ የለን፥ ናይ ውልቀ ሰባት ዲሞክራሲ'ዩ ዘሎ፥ ኣብዚ ትኣኪብናሉ ዘለና ግርጭት ክንፈትሕ እንተዘይኬና፥ ክንፈርድ' ኣይትኣከብናን ኢልዎም፥ ብዛዕባቲ ንሰለሙን ወልደማርያም ዝዋሃብ ዝነበረ ፍርድታት፥ ማለት፥ዩ፥፣
ሙሴ ተስፋምካኤል He is very smart: ብጣዕሚ፥ ሓያል ሰብ'ዩ፥፣ እቲ ኣኼባ ነቲ ግርጭት ምፍታሕ እዩ ነይሩ ድሌት ናይ ሙሴ፥ ስለዚ' ሙሴ ፥ ክንፈርድ ኣይኮነን መጺና ሽግር ክንፈትሕ እንበር ፍርዲ' እንተኾይኑ፥ ግን ኩሉ ተጋዳላይ ማንደይት ክዋሃቦ ኣለዎ፥ ዝብል ሕጋዊ መርገጺ ወሲዱ፤፣

ብዛዕባ ኣብቲ ውድብ፥ ዝነበረ፥ ሕማቕ ኣሰራርሓ ሙሴ ደው ኢሉ፥ ይምክቶ ስለዝነበረ፥ ጸጋይ ቐሺ ዝብሃል ብሰደፍ ብረት ጌሩ፥ ንሙሴ ሃሪምዎ፤፥ ምስ ወደቀ ሃለዋቱ ኣይፈልጥን'ዩ ነይሩ፤

ሕቶ--ኣብዚ ሳዓት'ዚ ጸጋይ ቀሺ ንሙሴ ክሃርሞ፡ከሎ ዝራኣይዎ ሰባት ኣለዉ ዶ?
ዝተዛረበ ሰብ ከ፡ነይሩ ዶ?
መልሲ-- ኩሉ እቲ ኣኼበኛ ርኢይዎ፥ ኣብ ማእከል ኣኼባ እንድዩ ሃሪምዎ፤፥ ብድሕሪ'ዚ ጸጋይ ቀሺ ተቐጺዑ፥ናይ 2 ሰሙን መቕጻዕቲ ናይ ምግብና ኣብ ሕክምና ተቐጺዑ፥መራሒ ሓይሊ'ዩ ነይሩ፥ ካብቲ ዝነበሮ፡ደረጃ ክሳብ መቕጻዕቲ ዝውድእ ካብ ስልጣኑ ወሪዱ፤
ነገር ግን ስለምንታይ ሙሴ ትሃሪሙ ዝብል ኣብ ኩሉ ተጋዳላይ ምልዕዓል ፈጢሩ መኽንያቱ ሙሴ ሁቡብ እዩ ነይሩ፤፥ ኣብቲ ግዜቲ' እታ ዝላዓለት ሓይሊ'ያ ትብሃል፥ ነይራ፤ ሙሴ ኮምሽነሪ ናይ ሓይሊ'ዩ ነይሩ፥፣
ኣብቲ ግዜ'ቲ ሙሴ ልዕሊ ኢሰያስ፥ እንተዘይኮይኑ ትሕቲ ኢሰያስ ኣይረአን እዩ ነይሩ፤፥ ንሙሴ ካብ ካልኦት ምሁራት ዝፈልዮ ምስ ሓረስቶትን ትሕት ዝበለ ደረጃ ዘለዎም ሰባትን ዓሚቕ ናይ ምርድዳእ ክእለት'ነይርዎ'ዪ፤፥
ብዝኾነ፡ሙሴ ምስትሃርመ ሕማቕ ስምዒት ኣብ ተጋደልቲ ፈጢሩ፥ ኣኬባ ክግበር እዩ ወከልቲ' ስደዱ' ተባሂልና እቶም ተጋደልቲ፥ ብድሕሪ'ዚ የውሃንስ ስብሃቱ፥ ንሕና ንቕድም ናይ በይንና ኣኼባ ክንገብር ኣሎና ኢልዎም'፥ የውሃንስ ስባህቱ ሓደ ካብቶም ገስገስቲ ምህራት'እዩ ነይሩ፥ መንካዕ ማለተይ'ዩ፤፥ ቅድሚ ናብ መሪሕነት ምኻድና ንሕና ክንገብሮ ዝግባኣና ኣኼና ኣሎና፥ ሓደ ሓሳብ ሒዝና ድማ ናብ መሪሕነት ንቐርብ፥ ነታ ዝተገብረት ኣኼባ ሽዑ የውሃንስ ስባህቱን ኢብራሂም ዓፋን ይመርሕዋ ማለት'ዩ፥፣ ኣብቲ ኣኬባ ዝነበረ፥ ኩነታት ኣብዚ ኣብ ተጋደልቲ ብዙሕ፥ ግህሰት ስለዘሎ፥ ሓንቲ መሰላት ተጋደልቲ እትእክብ፥ ኣብ ውሽጢ 10 ምዓልቲ ኣኪባ ናብ ኣኼበኛታት ከተቕርብ' ሓንቲ ኮሚተ ንምረጽ ተባሂሉ ሕራይ ተባሂሉ፥፣
ብዓል የውሃስን ስባህቲ ኢብራሂም ዓፋ ሃብተስላሴ ገብረመድሂን ዘለውዎም ተመሪጾም 10 ዝኣባላታ ማለት'ዩ፤ ሙሴ ኣብዚ ኣይተመርጸን መኽንያቱ፥ ሙሴ ኣብታ ናይ ገስገስቲ ምሁራት የድሊ ስለዝነበረ፥ ነታ ገስገስቲ ምሁራት እዩ ትሓጽዩ ነይሩ፤፣
3ይ ክፋል ይቕጽል..........

ኣብ ሕቶ መንካዕን ትሕዝቱኡ ኢና ዘለና፥ ኩቡራት ነበብቲ፥ ነቲ ታሪኽ ኣገላልጻ ክጥዕም ተባሂሉ፥ እዩ ንድሕሪት ተመሊሱ ቅድሚ፥ 73 ዝነበረ ኩነታትን ምስ ናይ 73 ዘዕልለና ዘሎ፥
ሄኖካ ሃኒ

3ይ ክፋል ቃለ-መሕተት ምስ ገዲም ተጋዳላይ ተስፋምካኤል ተኽለብርሃን ቅሱን፥

ሙሴ ኣብታ ንመሰላት ተጋደልቲ እትከታተል ኮሚተ ኣይተመርጸን፥ መኽንያቱ ኣብታ ናይ፥ ገስገስቲ ምሁራት፥ ትሓጽዩ ስለዝነበረ፤ ኣብታ መሰላት ተጋደልቲ እትዕዘብ፥ ጆን'ዪ ኣትዩ፥ ብድሕሪ'ዩ ኩሉ ተጋዳላይ ዝራኣዮ ዘበለ ጉድለታት ኣብ ብዓል ኢሰያስ ይኹን ካልእ፥ብዝርዝር ቀሪቡ፥ ኣብ ውሽጢ 10 ምዓልቲ መሪሕነት ካኣ፥ እቲ ዝካኣላ ሰሪሓ፥፣እቲኣቶም ክእከቡ እንከለዉ መሪሕነት ካኣ ነቲ ድሑር ስምዒታት ትወዳድብ፤
ተመሊስካ ሎሚ፡ክትሪኦ፡ከለኻ እቶም ኣብቲ ውሽጢ፡ምንቅስቓስ፥ መጀመርያ ደጊፎም ዝነበሩ፥ ዳሓር ተገምጠሎም፤ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ኮይኖም ጸኒሖም፥፣ ኢብራሂም ዓፋ፥ ሓደ መስረቲ ናይታ ምስጢራዊት ሰልፊ'ዩ ነይሩ፥፣ ብዓል ኣልኣሚን መስረቲ ናይታ ሕብእቲ ሰልፊ'ዮም ነይሮም፥፣ ሕጂ ብዓል ሮሞዳን ዓሊስዒድ፥ ተወኪሎም ኩሎም እቶም ቀዳማይ ወገን ብምልኦም፥ ብዓሊ ስዒድ ተወኪሎም ኣንጻሩ ጠጠው ኢሎም ዓሊ ስዒድ'ዩ ማንደይት ተዋሂብዎ ነቲ ምንቅስቓስ ናብ ካልእ ኣንፈት ጠውየሞ፥ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ካኣ ሰለሙን ወልደማርያም፥ ነዛ መሪሕነት ክዓልውዋ'ዮም ዝብል፥ ገምጋም'ዮም ወሲዶም፥ ሰለሙን ወልደማርያም ካኣ ብኣውራጅነት ደቂ ሓማሴን ክውድብ፥ ላዕልን ታሕትን ይብል፥ ድሕሪ 10 ምዓልቲ ኣኼባ ምስተወደበ፥ ሽዑ፥ እታ ዝዓበየት ጉዳይ እታ ትምረጽ ኮሚተ፥ ስልጣና ማዕረ መሪሕነት ኮይኑ፥ ስለዚ እዛ ተቖጻጻሪት ኮሚተ መሰል ተጋደልቲ እትሕሉ፥ ኣብ ገጋደልቲ ግህሰት እንተዳኣ ርእያ ክሲ ከተቕርብ ትኽእልያ፤ ስለዚ ካብ መሪሕነት ጀሚርካ ብምልኦም ኣብ ቁፅር ኣትያ ማለት'ዩ፤፥ ክሳብ ጉባኤ ተገይሩ ካልእ መሪሕነት ዝምረጽ'ያ እታ ኮሚተ ክትጸንሕ ትሓሲባ' ነዚ ንኸይግበር'ዮም፥ ግን ብምሉእ ሓይሎም ሰሪሖም መሪሕነት፥ ከምቲ ዝሰርሕዎ ድማ ካብቶም ዝምረጹ ዝነበሩ፤ 9 ኣባላት እንድዮም ክምረጹ ነይርዎም፥ እተን ክልተ ቁጽሪ፡ነተን ኣብ ከበሳ ዘለዉ'ዩ፥ እቶም 7 ድማ ኣብኡ ክምረጹ፥ 3 ኣብ ቀዳማይ ወገን ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት ክምረጹ ከለዉ 4 ድማ፥ ካላይ ወገን፥ እቶም ዝተመርጹ ኣርባዕተ ሰባት ደቂ ሓማሴን እዮም ነይሮም፤ ካብኣቶም ኣፈወርቂ ኣምሓራይ፥ ታረቀ የሕዶጎን እዮም፥፥፣

እዚኣቶም ድማ ካብቶም ገስገስቲ ምሁራት እዮም፥ ንሕና ብኣውራጅነት ዝተገብረ ውዲት ኣይንቅበሎን ኢና ኢሎም ነጺጊሞ፤፣ሕጂ ኣብ ተጋደልቲ ሕንፍሽፍሽ ተፈጢሩ፥፥ ብድሕሪ ኡ እታ ሽማግለ መግለጺ ክትህበና መጺኣ፥ ዘቕረብናሎም ሕቶ እቶም ክልተ ካኣ ምሳኩም፡መጺኦም፥ መግለጺኦም የስምዑ ዝብል'ዪ፥፣ ናቶም ጉዳይ እዩ ኢሎምና፥ግን ንሕና ክንፈልጦ ኣለና ኢልናዮም ዝተኽሰተ ነገር ምህላዉ ተረዲኡና ነይሩ፤፥ ኣብቲ ዝነበርናዮ ቦታ ክሳብ ብረት ምትዕምማር ነይሩ'ዩ፥፣ ኣብቲ ሳዓት ኢትዮፕያ እንተዘይመጹ፥ ኢትዮፕያ መጺኣ ፈላልያትና እንበር፥ ኣብ ዓላኬት ዝተገብረት ኣኬባ ኣዝያ ርስንቲ ኣኼባ እያ ነይራ፥ መኽንያቱ ታረቀን ኣፈወርቅን እንድሕር ዘይመጺኦም ናትኩም ዘተባ፥ ኣይንሰምዖን ኢና ዝብል ዘረባ ስለዝመጸ፥ ኣብዚ ምትህልላኽ'ዚ፥ ኢብራሂም ዓፋ ንሃብተስላሰ ገብረመድሂን ብረት ዓሚርሉ፥ ብረት ምስዓመረሉ፥ ሃብተስላሴ ድማ ብረት ዓሚርሉ፤ ክልቲኦም ምስተፋጠጡ፥ ኩልና በብረትና ዓሚርና ብድሕሪ'ዚ ኢብራሂም ዓፋ ብጣዕሚ ሰንቢዱ፥
ሕጂ መን ክዘብጥ'ዩ ዝፈልጥ የለን ተፋጠጥ'ያ ኮይና!! ኢብራሂም ዓፋ ብረቱ ኣውሪዱ ሓንሳብ ሓንሳብ ኢሉ፥ ነቲ ኣሕሊፍዎ ዝነበረ ጥይት ናብ ቦትኡ መሊስዎ፤ ብድሕሪኡ ምውጩ ካብቲ ኣኼባ ይሰጎ፥ ውጩ ተሶጊጉ ይኸይድ፤ ሓንሳብ ርግእ ኢልና ኣኼባና ንቐጽል ተባሂሉ፣ ውጩ ተሰጊጉ እንዳኸደ ከሎ፥ ናብቶም እንዳዋርድያ ገጹ ይኸይድ፥ ዋርድያ ድማ ራድዮ ትዓጽዪ ዝሰምዖ ስኢኑ፥ ኢትዮፕያ ካኣ ክኣትዉና ቀሪቦም፥ ዋርድያ እንዳጎዮዪ ናባና ገጾም ይመጹ፥ ውጩ ተሰጊጉ ናብኦም እንዳኸደ ከሎ፥ ኣብ መንገዲ ይረኽብዎ፥ ስለምንታይ ራድዮ ትዓጽውዎ ኢትዮፕያ መጺኣ ኢሎም ንውጩ ምስ ነገርዎ፥ ውጩ እንዳጎየየ መጺኡ ነቲ ኣኼበኛ ሓቢርዎ፤፥
ብድሕሪ'ዚ ድፋዕና ሒዝና ውግእ ተጀሚሩ፤ ኢትዮፕያ ብምሉእ ሓይሎም ስለዝመጹ፥ ንሕና ምስ ኢትዮፕያ እንዳተራጋረግና እንከለና'ዮም ንሃብተስላሴ ወሲዶሞ፥ ሃብተስላሴ ተደሊኻ ኣለኻ ተባሂሉ፥ ይኸይድ፥

ሕቶ---ንሃብተስላሴ መን'ዮም ዝጽውዕዎ ዘለዉ ማለት'ዩ
መልሲ--መሪሕነት፥ ተጸዊዕካ ተባሂሉ ገረግር ኣስመራ ምስከደ፥ ኣይተመልሰናን ኣቡኡ ኣጥፊኦሞ ማለት'ዩ ንሃብተስላሴ፥ እቲ ውግእ ምስኢትዮፕያ ን14 ምዓልቲ ይኸውን ቀጺሉ፥ ዓቢ ውግእ እዩ ነይሩ!! እቲ ውግእቲ ኣብ ታሪኽ ኤርትራ ናይ መጀመርታ እዪ፤ መኽንያቱ ሓደ ውሑድ ቁጽሪ፥ ንኽልተ ሰሙን፥ ዝኸውን ምስሓደ ዓርሞሾሽ፥ ሓይሊ፤ ቦታ ናቐያየረ፥ 2 ሰሙን፥ብዘይምቁራጽ እዩ ተኻይዱ

፥ እዚ ሞቶ ስድስት ዝብሃል' ንመጀመርታ ግዜ ኣብ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ተራእዩ፤፥ እቲ ውግእ ምስተወደአ መሪሕነት ምእሳር ጀሚራ መጀመርታ ዝትኣስሩ፥ ኣፈወርቂ ተኽሉን ታረቀ ይሕደጎን'ዮም፤ ነዞም ክልተ ምስኣሰረቶም መሪሕነት፥ ስለምንታይ ትኣሲሮም ዝብል ተቓውሞ' ይመጽእ፤፥

መሪሕነት ምእሳር ጀሚራ ስለዘላ፥ ሙሴ ተስፋምካኤል ንፔጥሮስ ሰለሙን መልእኽቲ ሰዲድሉ፤፥ ፔጥሮስ ሰለሙን ናይ ሃንደሳ፥ ፈንጅታት ክቐብሩ ተንቀሳቒሶም፥ ስለዝነበሩ፥ ፔጥሮስ ካብዝኾነ ሓላፍነት ወሪዱ እዩ ነይሩ፤፥ መሪሕነት ምእሳር ጀሚራ ስለዘላ ዓጢቕኩም

ከልጢፍኩም፡ምጹ ዝብል መልእኽቲ፥ ካብ ሙሴ ተማሓላሊፍሎም፤፥ ሙሴ ውን ደስኪሉ እዪ ነይሩ ሽዑ፤፥ ሕጂ እቲ መልእኽቲ ጠሊፎሞ፥ ፔጥሮስ ሰለሙን መድፍዕ ሒዙ ተሰሪዑ ክመጽእ ከሎ፥ ኣብ ድብያ ኣትዮም ኩሎም ተታሒዞም፤ ኩሎም ተታሒዞም ካኣ ኣብ ሓለዋ ሰውራ  
ብዓል ሙሴ ውን ተታሒዞም ሓለዋ ሰውራ ኣትዮም፥። ብዓል ጆን ውን ኮምኡ፥ ንኹላ ምጥርናፍ ኮይና፤ ኩላ ሰብ ክትኣቱ ምስጀመረት እታ ሓይሊ ናይ ብዓል ትኩእ የሕደጎ፥ እታ ሓይሊ ናቱ ትንቀሳቐስ ማለት'ዩ ስለምንታይ ትኣሲሮም ኢላ፤፥
 ሓላፊና ስለምንታይ ትኣሲሩ ብዝብል፥ ብዓል ሃብተምካኤል፥ ወልደገርግሽ፥ ሓዉ ነዚ ዓንደብርሃን ማለት'ዩ፥ ንሱ ዝመርሓ ጉጅለ፥ ትንቀሳቐስ ማለት'!ዩ፥ ምእስር ምስበዝሐ ካብቶም መሪሕነት ሓደ ተወልደ ኢዮም እዚ ትወስድዎ ዘለኹም ስጉምቲ፥ ጌጋ፥ እዩ፥፣ ኣነ ካብ ጀብሃ ዝተፈለኽሉ መኽንያት፥ ጀብሃ ብትገብሮ ዝነበረት ምእሳርን ምቕንጻልን' ጸሊአ እየ ተፈልየ፥ ስለዚ' ንስኻትኩም ውን ኣብቲ ንሕና ዝመስረትናዮ ውድብ፥ ምቕንጻልን፡ምእሳርን፥ ከምዚ ዓይነት ስጉምቲ ክትወስዱ፥ ኣንጻር እቲ ዝተፈለናሉ እላማ ስለዝኾነ፥ ኣቅበሎን'የ፥ ኢልዎም፥ ስለዚ ትፈትሕዎም እንተዳኣኬንኩም ጽቡቕ እንተዘይኮይኑ፥ ኣነ ኣይእከብን'የ ምሳኻትኩም ኢልዎም፤፥ እዚ ናይ ተወልደ ኢዮብ መግለጺ ብጽሑፍ እዩ ሂብዎም፥ ደብዳበ ጽሒፉ ብጽሑፍ'ዪ ሂብዎም፤፥
እቲ ጽሑፍ ድማ ንኹሉ ተጋዳላይ ተነቢብሉ'ዩ፥፣ ተወልደ ኢዮም ከምዚ ስለዝገበረ፥ ነቶም ኣዕነውቲ ካኣ ስለዝደገፈ፥ ካብ ስልጣን ወሪዱ ኣሎ፥ትብል መሪሕነት ክትንቀሳቐሰላ ጀሚራ፤፥ንዓና ዘንበቡልና ነዚኣ፥ መስፍን ሓጎስን ዓሊ ስዒድን እዮም፤፥ ሄኖክ እንተዳኣ ክኢልካ ንመስፍን ሓጎስ ሕተቶ፥ ከምዚኣ ትብሃል ሓቂ ድያ በሎ ሓሶት እንተዳኣ ኢሉካ ባዕለ ኣለኹ፤፥ ኣብቲ ኣኼባ ዝዋዓሉ ሰባት ብሂወት ስለዘለዉ ከቕርቦም ይኽእል'የ፤፣ንምርግጋጽ ማለት'ዩ፤፥ ወላ ንድሩዕ ከማን፥ ብዛዕባ'ዚ ነጊረዮ ነይረ፥ መስፍን ሓጎስ እንድህር ናይብሓቂ ምሳኻትኩም ኣብቲ ጉጅለ ኣሎ ኮይኑ፥ ተወልደ ኢዮብ፥ ዘንብቦ ዝነበረ፥ ከምዚ ይብል ነይሩ፥ሞ ሓቂ ድያ ኢልካ ሕተቶ ኢለዮ። መኽንያቱ ድሩዕ ኣብቲ ግዜ ምንቅስቃስ ኣይነበረን ተማሪኹ'ዪ ነይሩ፤፥
ዘእስር መኽንያት ዝብሃል የብሎምን ምስ በሎም፤፥ ካልእ ሽማግለ ትምጻእ ተባሂሉ ብድሕሪኡ ውን፥ ካብቶን ኣብ ከበሳ ዝነበሩ ድማ፥ ብብጻይ ጎይቶኦም እትምራሕ፥ ሓንቲ ሽማግለ ቆይማ ማለት'ዩ፤፥ እዛ ሽማግለ ጎይቶኦም በርሀ፥ ኣለዋ፥ የማነ ሃይለምካኤል ዝብሃል ነይሩ፤፥ ኣባግራይ ኢና ንብሎ ዝነበርና፤፥ ዑቕበ ኣብርሃ ነይሩ፤ ግርማይ ገብረመስቀል፡ነይሩ፥፥ ሓምሻዮም ሓመድዓሊጣህር ዝብሃል፡ነይሩ፤፥ እዞም ሰባት እዚኣቶም፥ ሽማግለ ቆይሞም፥ ነቲ ጉዳይ ክምርምሩ ኣብ ኩሉ ቦታታት ተንቀሳቒሱ፤፥ ኣብ መወዳእታ መደምደምታ ድማ በጺሖም፤፥ ብወገን እቶም ገስገስቲ፡ምሁራት ዝቐርብ ዝነበረ ነጥቢ ጉጅለ ነይሩ፥ ዝብል፥ ንሕና ንርእስና ኣብ ጉጅለ ተወዲብና ኔርና፤፥ ኣንጻርና ድማ ካልእ ጉጅለ ተወዲቦም፤፥ ኢድ እቲ መሪሕነት ኣትይዎ፥፣ ብኣውራጃውነት ድማ ውደባ ነይሩ፤፥ ዝብል 3 ክስታት እዮም ኣቕሪቢም ነይሮም፤፥
ነዚምአን ክትምርምር ኢላ እታ ሽማግለ ምስቀረበት፥ እቲ በቶም ገስገስቲ ምሁራት ቀሪቡ ዝነበረ ክስታት መርሚራ እታ ብብጻይ ጎይቶኦም ትምራሕ ጉጅለ፥፥ እታ ጉጅለ ከምዝነበረት ኣረጋጊጽናዮም ዝብሉ፥ ብብዓል ሙሴ ወገን ሓደ ጉጅለ፡ነይሩ፥ ጉጅለ ከምዝነበሩ ንሳቶም ባዕላቶም ውን ይኣምንሉ'ዮም፤፥ ብኣንጻሮም ድማ ካልእ ጉጅለ ነይሩ፤፥ ኣውራጃውነት ኣትይዎ ከምዝነበረ፥ ርኡይ ብርኡይ ዘረጋገጽናዮ፥ ሓቅታት ኣሎ ኢሎም፡ብዓል ብጻይ ጎይቶኦም፤፥ ደምዲሞም፤፣ ኢድ መሪሕነት ነይርዎ ንኽንብል ግን እታ ወረቐት ስለዘየላ፥ እታ ትዘውር ዝነበረት ወረቐት ናይ መሪሕነት፥ ጠፊኣ ስለዝኾነት፥ ስለዝተሰወረት ከነራጋግጽ ኣይንኽእልን ኢና ነይራ፥ እዮም፡ዝብሉ ንሕና ግን ነታ ወረቐት ክሳብ ዘይረኸብና፤ ከነረጋግጽ ኣይንኽእልን ኢና ስለ'ዚ፥ ናዓኣ ውድቕቲ ጌርናያ እዮም ዝብሉ፤፥
እምበር ብዓል ብጻይ ጎይትኦም በጺሖሞ፡ነይሮም ናይ መሪሕነት ኢድ ከምዘለዎ ርዱእ፥ እዩ ግን ብጭቡት ክትዛረብ ስለዘለካ'ያ፥ እታ፥ ጉዳይ፤፥ መሪሕነት ካኣ፥ እዚ ነገር'ዚ ክሳብ ኣብ ከምዚ፥ እንድሕር በጺሕኩም ንሕና ካኣ ኢድና ከነእቱ ኢና ኢላ ምዓት ምፍርራሕ'ያ፥ ክትገብር ፈቲና፥፣ ከምቲ ድሕሪ ብጻይ ጎይቶኦም ዘዕለለኒ፥ ሕጂ ዳሓን ነታ መሪሕነት ቀስ ኢልና ክንሪኣ ኢና እተን ክልተ ግን፥ ከምዝነበራ ክንገልጽ ኢና እታ ናይ ገስገስቲ ምሁራትን ማለት(መንካዕን) ኣንጻር መንካዕ ኣውራጃዊ ውደባ'ዘለዎን፥ ከምዝነበራ ክንገልጽ ኢና፥ ኢሎም መደምደምታ፥ ሂቦም መግለጺ ሂቦም፤፥ ክህቡ ከለዉ እቶም ኣርባዕተ፥ ኣብ ሓደ ክኾኑ ከለዉ እቲ ሓደ ሓመድ'ዓሊ ጣህር፥ ዝብሃል ካብታ ቀዳመይቲ' ወገን ናይ ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት፥ እሞ ንኸበሳ ገለ ውሑዳት ሰባት ከይዶም ዝነበሩ ካብኣቶም፥ እንድዩ ተመሪጹ፥ ንሱ ልክዕ ምስቶም ናይ ቀዳማይ ወገን ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት፥ ሓደ መርገጺ'ዩ ዝወስድ፥ እዚ ዝብሃል ዘሎ ኩሉ ኣይነበረን ኢሉ ይዛረብ፤፥ ግን ኣርባዕተ ስለዘድመጹ፤ ናቱ ውዱቕ'ዩ ነይሩ፤፥ መሪሕነት ግን ነዚ፥ መሊስካ ዝገደደ፥ ቁኑዕ ክፈርዱ ኢልና ዘቕረብናዮም እንዳበልካ ዕግርግር ተፈጢሩ፤፥ ስለዚ መሪሕነት ባዕላ ነቲ ጉዳይ፥ ርእዮም

ፍርዲ ዝህቡ፥ ሽማግለ፥ መዚዝና ኣሎና ኢላ፥ ሓንቲ ሽማግለ መዚዛ ማለት'ዩ፤፥ ንሕና ንኸበሳ ወጺና፤ እታ ሽማግለ ሕጂ፥ ብኢብራሂም ዓፋ እያ ትምራሕ ነይራ፤፥ ዝሃበቶ ፍርዲ ድማ ሞት'እዪ ነይሩ፤፥ ነቶም 6 ሰባት ንሞት ፈሪዳቶም፥፣
ንሙሴ ተስፋምካኤል
ንዮውሃንስ ስባህቱ
ንኣፈወርቂ ተኽሉ
ንታረቀ የሕደጎ፥
ንሃብተስላሴ ገብረመድሂን፥
ንርእሶም ዓቋይ(ዶክቶር ርእሶም)

እቶም ፍርዲ ዝሃቡ ብዓል ኢብራሂም ዓፋ፥ ንሞት ፍርዲ ዝሃቡ፥ መሪሕነት ካኣ፥ ናታቶም ተግባር እያ ኣፈጺማ እንድዩ ዝብል ኢሰያስ፥ ናብ ብዓል ኢብራሂም ዓፋ' እዪ ዘልግቦ እኮ፡ኢሰያስ ነቲ ናይ 1973 ትሓታትነት፥፥ መሪሕነት ኣይኮነትን ንሞት ፈሪዳ እዪ ዝብል፣ እታ ዘውጻናያ ሽማግለ ንሳ እያ ንሞት ፈሪዳቶም፥ መሪሕነት ካኣ ተግቢራ እዩ ዝብል። ሕጂ ባዓል ኢብራሂም ዓፋ ድማ ንመን'ዮም ዝፈርሑ ዘለዉ ይመስለካ? ነቲኦም እዮም ዝፈርሕዎም ኣብ ዝኾነ ግዜ ክግምጥሉና ይኽእሉ እዮም'ዮም ዝብሉ፥ ስለዚ ጽቡቕ ገይሩ እዩ፥ ከምዝፋራርሑ ገይሩ ሒዝዎም፤፥
ኢሰያስ ንሙሴ እንታይ ኢልዎ መስለካ? ኣነ'ሲ ልዕሊ መሪሕነት ናዓኻ፥ ኣሚነ ዝኾነ፥ ምስጢራት ናይዚ ውድብ፥ ወላ ካብ መሪሕነት ሓቢአ ናዓኻ ይነግረካ' ነይረ፥ ኢልዎ፤፥ ኣነ ዝፈልጣ ንስኻ ዘይትፈልጣ ኣብዛ ውድብ' የላን፥ መኽንያቱ ዝኾነ ነገር፥ ምሳኻ'የ ዝመክር ነይረ ኢልዎ፥፥
ነዚኣ ግን ሙሴ ኣይክሓዳን፥ እወ ሓቅኻ ኢልዎ። ዝኾነ ምሳይ ትመክር ኔርካ፥ ንሱ ግን ኣይኮነን ሕጂ ንዓይ ምንጋርካ ኣይኮነን፥ ኣብ ምውሳን ግን ዕንቅፋት ትኾነና ኔርካ ኢልዎ። ስለዚ ናዓይ ነጊርካኒ፥ እንድሕር፥ ኣብ ውሳነ ዘይንበጽሕ ኬና፥ እንታይ እዩ ትርጉሙ? ኢልዎ፣፣ ሕጂ ክትዋራዘየለይ ግን ፈቲንካ ኢልዎ ሙሴ ንእሰያስ፥፥ ከም ተካፍለኒ ዝነበረ ጌርካስ ክትዋራዘ ሓሲብካ ኢልዎ። ንዓይ ኣካፊልካ ውሳነ ዘይህበሉ ኮይነ! እንታይ እዪ ትርጉሙ? ኢልዎ።

ድሩዕ ውን፥ ኣብ ሕጊ ኣቕርቡና። ሰብ በብዝገበረቶ ኣብ ሕጊ ትቕረብ። ናብ ሕጊ ንኺድ፥ ኢሉ'ዩ። ብሓባር ንሕተተሉ ብሓባር ክንሕተተሉ ኢና ኢሉ፥ ብውልቂ ንሕተተሉ ድማ ብውልቂ ንሕተተሉ፥ ኢሉ፥ እዩ ድሩዕ። ብውልቅን ብሓባርን ዝተፈጸመ ገበናት ኣሎ' ኢሉ፥ ስለዚ ንሕና ካብቲ ዝነበረ ጌጋታት ነጻ ኢና ኣይንብልን ኢና፥ ብሓባር ንሕተተሉን ብውልቂ ንሕተተሉን፥ ካብ ፕሬሲደንት ጀሚርካ' ኩላ፥ ኣብ ሕጊ ትቕረብ ኢሉ'ዩ ድሩዕ።

11. ናይ 1973 ዝነበረ ምንቅስቓስ

ወርሒ 10/ 1973 ናይ 1973 ዝነበር ምንቅስቓስ ብከምዚ ኣገባብ ይጅምር* በራኺ ፈንቅል ጸጋይ ቀሺ ኣድሓኖም ኢሰያስ ተወልደብርሃን ኮይኖም ንኢሰያስ ኣፈወርቂ ከምዚ ይብልዎ፡- እዚ ኵሉ ኩነታት ኣምጺእዎ ዘሎ ሰለሙን ወልደማርያም ኢዩ። ምኽንያቱ ካብ ቀደም ጅሚሩ ዝገብሮ ዝነበረ ናይ ኣውራጃ

ወርሒ 10/ 1973
ናይ 1973 ዝነበር ምንቅስቓስ
ብከምዚ ኣገባብ ይጅምር*
በራኺ ፈንቅል
ጸጋይ ቀሺ
ኢሰያስ ተወልደብርሃን

ኮይኖም ንኢሰያስ ኣፈወርቂ ከምዚ ይብልዎ፡- እዚ ኵሉ ኩነታት ኣምጺእዎ ዘሎ ሰለሙን ወልደማርያም ኢዩ። ምኽንያቱ ካብ ቀደም ጅሚሩ ዝገብሮ ዝነበረ ናይ ኣውራጃ ምንቅስቓስ ሕጂ’ውን ጀሚርዎ ኣሎ። ስለዚ ንህ ዘሎና ኩሉ ክንፍድሖ ኢና። ኣጋጣሚ ኮይኑ ከአ ሽጋራ ስለ ዝተኸልከለ፤ ነቶም ደቂ ሰራየን ደቂ ኣከለጕዛይን ብሽጋራ ይሰብኮም፣ ንቶም ደቂ ሓማሴን ከአ ብኣውራጃውነት ይሰብኮም ኣሎ። ስለዚ ንሕና በብእንፈልጠሉ ክንፍድሖ ኢና። ህዝቢ ከኣ ምንም’ኳ ከይፈለጠት ትኹን’ምበር ትንፍሓልና ኣላ። ስለዚ ነዚ ሰብ’ዚ ክንፍድሆ ኢሎም ፍቓድ ካብ ኢሰያስ ኣፈወርቂ ሓተቱ።
ኢሰያስ ኣፈውርቂ፡– ቅንዕናኹም ይሓግዝኩም ድኣ’ምበር ጉሩፖይ ክብልኹም ኢዮም። እምበር ሓሳቡስ ጽቡቕ ኢዩ። ኣነ’ውን ብግደይ ክሕግዘኩም፣ ማለት ምሳኹም ኮይኖም ዝሰርሑ’ውን ሰለ ዘድሊ፣ እዞም ዚስዕቡ ሰባት ወስኹ።

ርእሶም ግደይ
ሃይለ መንቆርዮስ
መሓሪ ግርማጽዮን
ወልደሚካኤል ገ/ማርያም
ወልደርፋኤል ስባህቱ
መብራህቱ ወልዱ
ተስፋይ ይትባረኽ

በዚ ተሰማሚዖም ድማ ነዞም ዳሕረዎት 7 ሰባት ጸውዑና’ሞ እቶም 11 ተጋደልቲ ተራኸብና። ብዛዕባ እንዛረበሉ ኣርእስቲ ከአ ተላዒሉ፣ አብ ውሽጢ መሪሕነት ዘሎ ዘይምቅዳው ንምርኣይ – መሪሕነት ክጽውዑ ምዃኖም ድማ በርሃልና።እሞ ክንሰምዖም እዚ ኩሉ ዝግበር ዕግርግር ናቶም ዘይምስምማዕ ኢዩ’ውን በሉና።
ካብዚ መሪሕነት ተጸዊዖም መጹ። ኣብ’ቲ ግዜ’ቲ ኣቦ-መንበር ከይገበሩ ከኣ ዘረባ ብወዲ ፈንቅል ተጀመረ። በራኺ ፈንቅል፡- መሪሕነትንሕና ኢና ጸዊዕናኩም ዘሎና፣ ኣብ መንጎኹም ዘይምስምማዕ ዘሎ ኩሉ ገልጹልና በሎም። ካብዚ ኢሰያስ ከም’ዚ እናበለ ዘረባኡ ጀመረ።

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