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An open letter to all members of the PFDJ    ADVERTISERS

III. Why this letter and at this time?

BECAUSE all legal means to resolve this crisis in the legislative bodies have been blocked, frustrated. The President has refused to convene meetings of the legislative bodies, but continues to express his views and taking illegal action. Front members have the legal right to know the current situation and to state their views and criticisms.

As the conduct of the PFDJ and the government deteriorated and became more erratic, particularly concerning the Weyane war and its consequences, an attempt to revive wider participation in decision-making, eliminate existing weaknesses and reinforce our defense was made at the eighth session of the Central Council (28-29 January 2000). At this meeting, the president was asked why regular meetings of the legislative organs were not held, and an impassioned demand was made to hold regular meeting on time in the future. The president, however, not only tried to present the unacceptable excuse that conditions were not conducive to hold meetings, but arrogantly added that he was not going to call meetings in the future either if he did not feel it was conducive to do so.

Since the Woyane was getting ready for its offensive, the issue was not raised at the twelfth session of the National Council to avoid giving moral ammunition to the enemy. The president however continued to take wrong, illegal and vengeful measures that could serve the enemy’s purpose.

At the ninth meeting of the Central Council which was convened from 31 August to 2 September 2000 (after the third invasion), and to some extent at 13th session of the National Council, which was held from 29 September to 2 October 2000, the following were raised, among others. Genuine reviews to be conducted, to look forward and establish deadlines for holding the front congress and national elections, measures which are necessary preparation for such to be taken, and important issues requiring preparatory study to be studied. Since military and diplomatic efforts had to be strengthened, the Council also decided to form a military committee to do an appraisal of our record in these areas and to advise the president in the future. However, obstacles are being placed to block the implementation of any of these decisions.

In January 2001, the president, by way of the Central Office of the PFDJ, conducted a disturbing open smear campaign accusing high officials of regionalism and treason. Seminars were conducted that suggested there was a fifth column inside the country, that equated honest criticism with aiding the Woyane’s agenda, and that threatened action would be taken against the targeted high officials. This was done to silence free expression and muzzle criticism, and to avoid proper evaluation. This disturbed and created serious concern among the people and members of the front.

Although the illegal and negative handling of the issue by the President and the Central Office of the PFDJ was provocative, we decided to avoid confrontation as there was as yet no guarantee for a peaceful end to the war with Ethiopia, and took the initiative to resolve the problem through legal means and dialogue. We started to consult with other members of the Central Council to ask for meetings of the Central and National Councils whose regular time was past due.

Upon hearing of our initiative, the central office of the PFDJ had circulated a letter (Annex 1), on August 7th 2001, threatening members of the National Council not to sign on a petition calling for a meeting of the National Council. We thought this action improper and were forced to counter with our own letter to all members of the National Council the following day explaining the situation (Annex 2). On 12-03-2001, the President rejected our request (Annex 3).

Copies of our letter of 20 February 2001, asking the President to convene meetings of the Central Council of the PFDJ and the National Council, which reached him on 13 March 2001 (Annex 4), his negative reply (Annex 5), our second letter again asking for meetings explaining the reasons for our call (Annexes 6 A & B), and the President’s second negative response (Annex 7) are all enclosed with this letter. Legal requests received illegal responses, and our attempts to resolve problems through meetings and democratic dialogue, not only fell on deaf ears, but attempts were also made to mis-present it in an illegal and undemocratic way.

Thus, our efforts to amend and correct the mistaken path of the PFDJ and the government, our attempt to ensure a democratic transition to a constitutional order, our resolve to obtain these results through democratic and legal means at the leadership level has failed to bear fruit. Having no other means at our disposal, and rejecting resort to illegal means, we bring this open letter to you. We believe every member has the right to know about the crisis and our views on how to solve it. We believe every member has the right and the duty to know about the democratic solutions available, and we perform our duty in bringing this crisis to your attention in this open letter.

Just as we bear ultimate collective responsibility for our performance as leaders, we are obliged to bear equal responsibility for correcting our failures. Since our failure to lead properly has injured the people, we are prepared and determined to make amends and compensate our people by working tirelessly to build, in concert with other PFDJ members and the general Eritrean public, an accountable and responsible government in Eritrea.

If there is any accusation against any member of the Central and National Councils, from the President on down, then we support and believe, that instead of blackmailing, the accusation should be openly leveled at the subject member during a meeting of the appropriate Council, and if it merits legal action, for the appropriate court to handle it through due process of law. Every member of the Central Council of the PFDJ and the National Council must be accountable in the performance of his duties or his handling of financial records, and, as a public official, in his morality. We call for the creation of an independent body that includes members of the general public, to investigate every member.

If we do not take corrective action immediately but instead continue as we have been, then it is not hard to imagine from the experiences of the past ten years the devastating consequences that await us. We need act in concert to resolve our differences, to avoid our security being compromised and our internal unity is weakened, thereby exposing us to becoming victims of external forces. This is a serious national affair. Determined, courageous, capable and nationalist Eritreans must play their role. Let them utilize their capacity to contribute their share to their country. Let us take practical lessons from the Woyane invasion. We should never risk compromising our hard won independence and making our fertile land barren. Time is passing, and our external enemies have not folded their hands waiting for us.

We shall continue our struggle to establish the rule of law. We shall continue to struggle to implement the sacred ideals and principles of the front and our national constitution. We shall continue to struggle using every legal and democratic means available. We have no ambition other than making these sacred ideals a reality. We take this opportunity to call on all PFDJ members and the Eritrean people in general to express their opinion through legal and democratic means and to give their support to the goals and principles they consider just.

Signatories:

1. Mahmud Ahmed Sheriffo
- Member of the Central Council of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council

2. Haile Woldensae
- Member of the Central Council of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council
- Ministerial cabinet member

3. Mesfin Hagos
- Member of the Central Council and the Executive Committee of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council

4. Ogbe Abrha (General)
- Member of the Central Council of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council

5. Hamid Hmd
- Member of the Central Council of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council

6. Saleh Kekya
- Member of the Central Council of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council

7. Estifanos Seyoum (B. General)
- Member of the Central Council of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council

8. Berhane GhebreEghzabiher
- Member of the Central Council of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council

9. Astier Feshatsion
- Member of the Central Council of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council

10. Mohammed Berhan Blata
- Member of the Central Council of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council

11. Petros Solomon
- Member of the Central Council of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council - Ministerial cabinet member

12. Germano Nati
- Member of the Central Council of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council

13. Beraki Ghebreslassie
- Member of the Central Council of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council

14. Adhanom Ghebremariam
- Member of the Central Council of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council

15. Haile Menkerios
- Member of the Central Council of PFDJ
- Member of the National Council



  
 
Introduction
I. Experience of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front
1. Background
2. Preliminary stage (1970-1976)
3. EPLF until liberation (1977-1991)

4. EPLF later PFDJ: After liberation
4A. Before referendum (1991-1993)
4B. After Referendum (1994-2001)

1. Regarding PFDJ
1.1 Its goals and plans
1.2 What happened after all these decisions?

2. Regarding the Government
2.1 Goals and plans
2.2 What happened as a result of the decisions above?
2.2 What was done on the basis of the decisions above?

II. What type of crisis are we in?
A. What is the crisis?
B. How can the crisis be resolved?

III. Why this letter at this time?
Annex one:
Annex two: three:
Annex four: five:
Annex six A, B:
Annex seven:
Translator's note
This translation is intended for those Eritreans whose command of written English is greater than their command of written Tigrigna. Those who are fluent in written Tigrigna are advised to refer to the original in Tigrigna. Apologies are due to all concerned for errors and misunderstanding arising in translation.
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