Human Rights Watch: Report 2008
Eritrea
Events of 2007
31/1/2008
The government of President Isayas Afeworki continues to maintain its totalitarian grip on the country. Arbitrary arrests and detention without trial are common. Prisoners are routinely tortured and kept for years in underground cells in isolation or crammed into shipping containers. Mass arrests and harassment of members of minority religious denominations continue. The government imposes such prolonged and repeated compulsory military service that thousands of young men have fled the country.
The constitution approved by referendum in 1997 remains unimplemented. No national
election has ever been held and an interim parliament has not met since 2002.
No political groups are permitted aside from the ruling People’s Front
for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), of which Afeworki is executive secretary.
The last session of the PFDJ party congress occurred in 1997. No media or civil
society organizations exist outside those controlled by the PFDJ. Private enterprise
has been severely curtailed, largely replaced by PFDJ-owned businesses.
Afeworki justifies his repressive rule by claiming that the country must remain
on a war footing until a boundary dispute with Ethiopia is resolved. Ethiopia
refuses to accept the 2002 demarcation decision by a Boundary Commission established
under the 2000 cease-fire agreement ending the bloody two-year war between Ethiopia
and Eritrea.
Suppression of Free Expression
Dissent is ruthlessly suppressed including within the PFDJ. Eleven PFDJ leaders
arrested in September 2001 for questioning the president’s leadership
remain detained without charge or trial. The independent press remains closed—in
2001 all editors and publishers except those who managed to flee—were
detained. In 2007, Reporters without Borders ranked Eritrea last of 169 countries
on its Press Freedom Index. The government even cannibalizes its own media.
In November 2006 it arrested nine state media employees after others fled the
country. They were beaten while under arrest to obtain information about their
email accounts and to discover possible escape plans. One of those arrested,
Fetiha Khaled, is reported to have been forced to join the army. The others
were released but were placed under surveillance and forbidden to leave Asmara.
In July 2007, one of those released, Paulos Kidane, fell ill while trying to
escape to Sudan and later died or was killed by security forces.
Government permits are required for gatherings of more than three to five persons.
No domestic human rights organizations are allowed to exist; foreign human rights
organizations are denied entry. All labor unions are PFDJ affiliates. In 2007,
the regime released three PFDJ union leaders who had been arrested two years
earlier after advocating for improved working conditions.
Prison Conditions and Torture
Incarceration of suspected political opponents without trial or rudimentary
legal safeguards is routine. The political leaders and journalists arrested
in 2001 remain in solitary confinement in a secret detention facility; nine
of the 31 prisoners are reported to have died. Many other prisoners are packed
into unventilated cargo containers under extreme temperatures or are held in
underground cells. Torture is common, as are indefinite solitary confinement,
starvation rations, lack of sanitation, and hard labor. Prisoners rarely receive
medical care, even when severely injured or deathly ill. Death in captivity
is common.
Prisoners are warned not to speak about their imprisonment after release, but
some details have emerged. In 2006 one escapee, a former journalist, told a
conference in Uganda that he had been beaten and kicked, had his feet tied to
his hands behind his back, was later manacled, threatened with death, held in
solitary confinement in a narrow underground dungeon, and prohibited from sending
or receiving mail. He was released after almost two years, but then was conscripted
into the army, where he was closely monitored, before managing to escape.
Military Conscription and Arrests
Men between ages 18 and 50, and women between 18 and 27, must serve 18 months
of military service. However, as in previous years, men were rounded up in massive
sweeps and house-to-house searches (giffas) for repeated periods of service
far exceeding 18 months. As one young Eritrean noted in 2007, “there is
no end to this service.” Conscripts are used in labor battalions on public
works and on projects benefiting military commanders personally. Pay is nominal
and working conditions often harsh. Over a dozen conscripts were reported to
have died in the summer of 2007 at the Wia military training camp near the Red
Sea coast from intense heat, malnutrition, and lack of medical care. Conscientious
objection is not recognized.
Refugee agencies report that approximately 120 young men fleeing conscription
arrived in Sudan each week in 2006 and 2007 and that another 400 to 500 reach
Ethiopia monthly, even though border guards reportedly have orders to “shoot-to-kill.”
Since 2005, families of conscription evaders are fined at least 50,000 nakfa
(US $3300), a massive sum in a country where yearly per capita income is less
than $1000. Since late 2006, some family members have reportedly been conscripted
to substitute for missing relatives.
Religious Persecution
Only Catholic, Evangelical Lutheran, and Orthodox Christian churches and traditional
Islam are permitted to worship in Eritrea. Although four other denominations
applied for registration in 2002, none were registered as of late 2007. Members
of unregistered churches, especially Protestant sects, are frequently persecuted.
Some 2,000 members of unregistered churches are incarcerated at any one time
in shipping containers, underground cells, and military outposts. Many are beaten
and otherwise abused to compel them to renounce their faiths. Some are arrested
and released after a month or two but others are held indefinitely. Even “recognized”
religious groups have not been spared. In 2006, the government engineered the
removal of the 79-year-old patriarch of the Eritrean Orthodox church and placed
him under house arrest after he refused to interfere with a renewal movement
within the church. In May 2007 he was evicted from his home after a replacement
patriarch was “unanimously” confirmed by church authorities; his
whereabouts are currently unknown. Members of the renewal movement have been
arrested and abused in the same fashion as members of non-recognized churches.
The government has also interfered with the Catholic Church. In late 2006, the
government demanded that Roman Catholic Church schools, health clinics, and
other social service facilities be turned over to the Ministry of Social Welfare.
In November 2007, it expelled 13 Catholic missionaries by refusing to extend
their residency permits.
Relations with Ethiopia
Tensions with Ethiopia remain high. A September 2007 Border Commission meeting
with the two countries to obtain agreement to demarcate the border ended in
failure. Ethiopia subsequently announced it might terminate the armistice agreement
altogether. In 2002, the commission had designated the border and directed that
it be demarcated accordingly. Although Eritrea accepts the commission decision
in full, Ethiopia refuses to permit demarcation of portions of the border that
would award the village of Badme, the flashpoint of the war, to Eritrea.
An international peacekeeping force, the UN Mission in Eritrea Ethiopia (UNMEE),
maintains 1,700 troops and observers in a 25-kilometer wide armistice buffer
between the two countries. Since 2005 Eritrea has infiltrated thousands of troops
into the buffer zone, and has prevented UNMEE from patrolling large parts of
it and from engaging in aerial observation, all in violation of the armistice
agreement. Eritrea ignores repeated Security Council resolutions demanding withdrawal
of the troops and cooperation with UNMEE. As a result, heavily armed troops
of both countries are within meters of each other. In March 2007, the government
expelled the program manager of the UNMEE Mine Action Coordination Center, one
of a series of expulsions of UNMEE personnel over the years.
Since 2006, Eritrea and Ethiopia have been engaged in a proxy war in neighboring
Somalia. Eritrea allegedly provides logistical and military support to insurgent
groups fighting with the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) against Ethiopian forces
and the Somali transitional government. In 2007 it provided refuge to ICU leaders.
A United Nations team monitoring the arms embargo on Somalia in July 2007 accused
Eritrea of providing “huge quantities of arms,” in late 2006 to
the ICU. In April 2007 Eritrea suspended its membership in the regional Inter-Governmental
Authority on Development (IGAD) because of the organization’s support
for Ethiopian intervention in Somalia.
Key International Actors
Relations with the United States, already strained, worsened in 2007. President
Afeworki harshly criticized the United States for failing to pressure Ethiopia
to comply with the boundary commission decision. In August 2007, the US threatened
to place Eritrea on its short list of “state sponsors of terrorism”
because of its alleged military support to the ICU and for sheltering ICU leaders
whom the US labels terrorists. The US also ordered Eritrea to close its consulate
in the US—in California—in response to interference with operations
of the American embassy in Asmara.
Since the government ordered the USAID office to shut down in 2005, the US
has provided no development assistance to Eritrea. For economic assistance,
Eritrea now relies on China, Arab states, and the European Union, and remittances
from the Eritrean diaspora. In 2007, China partially cancelled Eritrea’s
existing debt. It also agreed to provide assistance for construction of a college
in Adi Keyih. China’s Export-Import bank agreed in 2007 to lend the government
US$60 million to purchase a large minority interest in a gold mine project by
a Canadian mining company at Bisha in western Eritrea. Still, currency flows
remain decidedly in China’s favor. In 2006, the last full year for which
figures are available, China exported almost $38 million worth of goods to Eritrea
and imported only $720,000-worth.
The European Union is in the final year of a US$119 million five-year development
grant. In September, the EU expressed concern about “severe violations
of basic human rights” by the government.
In July 2007, two British Council employees, were arrested, one of whom was
released shortly thereafter. A visiting British diplomat was expelled for allegedly
trying to install communications equipment without authorization at the council