ተጻባኢን ወገናዊን መስመር ዓብደላ እድሪስ
ብንእስነቱ ኣብ ቃልሲ ንሃገራዊ ናጽነት ዝተሰለፈ ዓብደላ እድሪስ፣ ኣብ ካልኣይ ወይ ሳልሳይ ዙርያ ኣብ ሶርያ እዩ ተዓሊሙ። ኣብ 1967 ኣቢሉ ድማ ንሜዳ ኣትዩ። ዓብደላ ፈለማ ኣብ 5ይቲ ክፍሊ ተ.ሓ.ኤ. እዩ ተመዲቡ። ኩልና ገዳይም ተጋደልቲ ከምእንፈልጦ፣ 5ይቲ ክፍሊ ከም ውጽኢት ናይቲ ኣብ ላዕለዋይ ባይቶ ተ.ሓ.ኤ. ዝነበረ ቁርቁስ፣ በቲ ናይ ሽዑ ፖለቲካ ንደቂ ከበሳ ተባሂላ ዝቘመት ክፍሊ እያ። ኣብቲ እዋን’ቲ ዝነበረ መምርሒ (ኣብ ወረቐት ዝሰፈረ ማለት እዩ) ነፍሲ ወከፍ ክፍሊ፣ ኣባላታ ሓደ ሲሶ ደቂ ዞባኣ ኪኾኑ፣ እቶም ካልኦት ግን ተወልድቲ ካልእ ከባቢታት ኪኾኑ ዝብል እዩ። ግን ብግብሪ ከምኡ ኣይተሰርሓሉን። ኣቋውማ ናይተን ክፍልታት ወገናዊ እዩ ነይሩ። ኣብቲ መድረኽ’ቲ እድሪስ ገላውዴዎስ ን5ይቲ ክፍሊ ብመገዲ 2ይቲ ክፍሊ ክቈጻጸራ እዩ ዝፍትን ነይሩ። 5ይቲ ክፍሊ ዓቕሚ ስለዘይነበራ 2ይቲ ክፍሊ እያ ትምውላ ዝነበረት። እቲ ድሓር ብዙሓት ተጋደልቲ ቀቲሉ ተባሂሉ ዝኽሰስ ምክትል ወልዳይ ካሕሳይ ዝነበረ ሕሻል ንኣብነት ካብ 2ይቲ ክፍሊ ዝመጸ እዩ። ብሓጺሩ ን5ይቲ ክፍሊ መቐጸልታ 2ይቲ ክፍሊ ንምግባራ እዩ ዝፍተን ነይሩ።
ኣብ 5ይቲ ክፍሊ ዝነበረ ዓብደላ እድሪስ፣ ስለስቲአን ክፍልታት ማለት 3ይቲ፣ 4ይቲን 5ይቲን ሰሚረን ን”ዋሕዳ ስላስያ” ኣብ ዘቘማሉ ጉባኤ ዓንሰባ፣ ኣባል መሪሕነት ስሉሳዊ ሓድነት ኮይኑ ምምራጹ ዝፍለጥ እዩ። ካብቲ እዋን’ቲ ኣትሒዙ ድማ እዩ፣ ወገናዊን ትሕተ ሃገራዊን ኣመለኻኽታኡ፣ ልዕሊ ኹሉ ድማ ናይ ዕሱብነት ባህርያቱ ክግሃድ ዝጀመረ። ነዚ ዘረጋግጽ ጭቡጥ መርትዖ ኣሎ። ድሕሪ ምቛም ግዝያዊ መሪሕነት ሱሉሳዊ ሓድነት፣ ካብቶም ኣብ ጉባኤ ዓንሰባ ዝተመርጹ ኣባላት መሪሕነት፣ ዑማሮ፣ ኢሳይያስ፣ ኣቡጥያራ፣ ንሱዳን ብምኻድ፣ ነቲ ዝተወስደ ናይ ስምረት ስጉምቲ ደገፍ ንምርካብ ንሓደ ሽዱሽተ ወርሒ ዝኣክል ኣብ ሱዳን ኣኼባታት እናካየዱ የጓሳጉሱ ነይሮም እዮም። ዓብደላ እድሪስ ጎስጓስ ከካይድ ዝመዘዞ ኣይነበረን። ይኹን’ምበር ደድሕሪኦም፣ ብሕማም ኣመሳሚሱ ንሱዳን ብምኻድ፣ ኣንጻሮም ከጎሳጒስ ጀሚሩ። ምስተን ዘይሰመራ ወገናት ማለት 1ይቲን 2ይቲን ክፍልታት ኪዳን መስሪቱ፣ ንባዕሉ ኣብ ውሽጢ ስሉሳዊ ሓድነት እናሃለወ፣ ኣንጻር መሪሕነት ስሉሳዊ ሓድነት ክንቀሳቐስ ተራእዩ።
ዓብደላ እድሪስ፣ ከም ጉሉሕ ፖለቲካዊ ባእታ ዝተቐልቀለሉ፣ ኣብቲ ብድፍኢት መሰረታውያን ተጋደልቲ ሓሙሽተአን ክፍልታት ተ.ሓ.ኤ. ዝሰመራሉ ጉባኤ ኣዶብሓ እዩ። ኣብ መስርሕ’ቲ ጉባኤ፣ እቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝሰመረ ሓይሊ፣ ማለት ስሉሳዊ ሓድነት (ዋሕዳ ሰላስያ) ብርኡይ ኣብ ክልተ እዩ ተገዚዑ። ዓብደላ እድሪስ ዝነበሮ ሓደ ወገን ምስ ርእይቶ 1ይቲን 2ይቲን ክፍሊ ወጊኑ። ኣብኡ ዝተጋህደ ገዛዛዒ ውዲትን ጸይቂን ላዕለዋይ መሪሕነት ተ.ሓ.ኤ. ገዲፍና ግን፣ ኣብቲ ጉባኤ ሓድሽ ኪዳን ተመስሪቱ፣ ዓብደላ እድሪስ ድማ ወተሃደራዊ ሓላፊ ኮይኑ ብጉባኤ ተመሪጹ። ሓዮቲ እውን ናይ ጸጥታ ሓላፊ ኮይኑ ተመዚዙ ክልቲኦም ወሰንቲ ቦታታት ሒዞም።
Source ታሪኽ ኣይንረስዕ፡ ጉዕዞና ክቐንዕ ተኽሎም ንርኣዮ
Here are a few reasons why I think Abdella is a criminal warlord by Paulos M. Natnael
Let's put aside his role before the demise of the ELF. In August 1981 Abdella Idris was in charge of the ELA as a member of the Executive Committee (EC) of the ELF and chief of the military office, when the conspiratorial forces of the Eritrean People's Liberation front (EPLF) and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) finally, after a year's bitter fighting, managed to push the ELF out of Eritrea and into the Sudan. That military defeat of the ELF, history will show some day, was neither due to weakness of the ELA nor the competence and effectiveness of enemy forces; but largely due to the incompetence and internal bickering of the nine-member (EC) and the ELF leadership as a whole.
That month, the warlord Abdella, instead of guiding and leading the ELA in its most traumatic and difficult time, chose to abandon it to be humiliated at the hands of the Sudanese army. At the same, he somehow slipped away or, mostly likely, obtained the permission from the Sudanese to head north taking with him some remaining units and most of the assets of the ELF including the mobile radio station. As a result on August 25, 1981 several units of the ELA, surrounded by Sudanese armed forces, were forced to surrender their arms at a place called Tahdaysis. That sinister move by the warlord Abdella Idris sealed the fate of the ELF, in my opinion, and its ultimate demise became only a matter of time. However, more despicable acts of betrayal were yet to come, including Abdella's vicious accusation of the ELA as refusing to fight the EPLF/TPLF conspiracy forces. Such an accusation came to many fighters as a total shock. After a year of fighting a bitter civil war** all over Eritrea, the accusation was a betrayal to martyrs, to those who were wounded, and a stab on the back of the surviving army as a whole. [By the way, Abdella repeated this same baseless accusation in his Interview with Awate.com].
**The 1981 war was not strictly between the ELF and EPLF; it was between the ELF and the EPLF/TPLF coalition forces. TPLF forces participated not only in the border areas but within Eritrea proper in EPLF units as well. There were also two thousand or so TPLF recruits who were in training in Sahel when the war broke, and the EPLF simply sent them to its own units, instead of to their organization in Tigray, Ethiopia. So, in a way, it is hard to characterize it as a "civil war" between Eritrean forces in the literal sense of the word. Read more
The Democratic movement of 1977
In some sense, the movement was a continuation of the previous ones. The Eritrean Liberation Army led the movement and targeted a number of organizational and political shortcomings: such as corruption, malpractice in management, malfunction in the hierarchy of the organization, and other widespread undemocratic practices of the ELF leadership. But this time the Eritrean Liberation Army didn’t pull the thread together.
The Abdella Idris group, the most powerful and dominant group (also known as the right wing block back then), aborted and branded the reform movement as “anarchy and disorder” or “falul and Keidi Betekh”, and ordered the arrest and disarming of hundreds of Tegadelti. The Labor Party (LP), the main organ of ELF, also gave its green light to squash the movement. This is the era where anti-democratic forces took upper hand and teamed up against the forces of change in ELF. This is the era where the right wing snitchers and betrayers flourished in ELF. This is the era where ELF began to become terminally ill.
In retrospect, the failure of 1977 movement can also be attributed partly to the lack of leadership, organization, and coordination within the parties involved to lead the movement. However, the overall message here is that the movement was a grass-root one aimed at reforming ELF. Even though it failed and never recovered, yet the undemocratic approach employed by ELF leaders to address the issue left ELF ideals badly shaken and bruised up to this very moment.
Unlike Abdella Idris’ historical uprising, all the reforms/democratic movements which evolved in ELF at different stages prior to 1981 represented a distinctive characteristic of the Eritrean Liberation Army: reflection, deliberation, engagement, national endeavor, and collective participation.
Now, having said that let me revisit Abdella Idris’ ‘historical uprising of 1981 in Hame Shkoreb’ (Sudanese territory at the border) and tie this up together for you. One has to start with the following questions: What ‘uprising’, what ‘continuity’, and what ‘mishandling’ is Mr. Abdella Idris referring to? There was neither ‘uprising’, nor even an incident of that sort in any form or shapeSource:Abdella Idris: The Architect of Violence and Beneficiary of Undemocratic Uprising By Nebari Keshi July 19, 2002 (Posted on 21 July 2002)