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Editorial
All this talk about G-13, G-15 got us to thinking: What do we call the group that places the words and deeds of one man, Isaias Afwerki, above the rule of law and the fate of the nation? Obviously, "G-I" ("I" for Isaias) or "G-1" ("1" for one man.) A “G-I”’s Skunis who happens to be one of our stealth
readers (stealth readers defined: those who deny ever reading us in the
past, present and future but then go on to quote chapter and verse of what
we write) wrote us a threatening note a few months back. He promised that soon it
will be “The Year of The Broom” in Eritrea. That “we”
(the "G-I") will be cleaning house and all the traitors, wedo-gebas,
jihadists, G-13, G-15, woyanes will be history. He must have seen a copy of
the G-I (Group Isaias) playbook because that is what they are working
on. A futile effort. It has been a very hectic couple of months for the G-I. They have been stumbling from one
crisis to another, lying about each crisis, relying on the magnitude of
the next crisis to dwarf the previous one and its explanations. The arrest of Reformers and
revocation of their passport; the student arrests and the death of two;
the closure of eight newspapers and arrest of nine reporters, have all
been “explained” away by the G-I with the usual disdain for the truth and
people’s intelligence.
Proceeding these events and between all these high-profile
incidents, there are dozens of blunders that the G-I hopes you will never
know about. Were you shocked that the Reformers were jailed? We weren’t. That is why we called them "Sitting Ducks" in our editorial “The Pencil” of September 10, 2001. Why did we expect this to be the natural development for the leaders of the reform movement? Simply because the autocratic regime in Eritrea has nothing to do with dialogue and the reformers naively expected to begin a dialogue with the G-I. The G-I is so intoxicated with its muscle
that it has apparently declared force as a new form of dialogue. It jails
because it can and not because it has to. It humiliates because it
restores its self-confidence by humiliating others. betrey habuni,
zeHmQo aleni. Driven by its stingy character, it impoverishes others to enrich
itself. It has to enslave others just so it can feel free. It causes others to die
because it thinks their death elongates its life. It has to accuse others of
treason, just to be perceived as patriotic. You cannot deliberate with the G-I legally; the G-I
has shredded all books of law. You cannot appeal to its organizational procedures; the G-I knows no
organized procedure but the principle of might is right. You cannot appeal to its reason; it
is a clique of the insane. You cannot appeal to its love for
Eritrea; the safety of Eritrea is
its last concern. The regime
speaks one language; the reformers have got to speak that
language. We think that
the reform movement has to attend to the issue of leadership. Since the
reform movement was not organized properly and operated from within the
PFDJ bases, it is obvious that it lacked leadership. Now, most of the
reform leaders are jailed. Technically, Haile Menkerios, Mesfin Hagos and
Adhanom Gebremariam are the transitional official speakers of the reform
movement. It is high time that the reformers select a leader and then
reach out to a broad based Eritrean populace to expand the coalition
against tyranny. It is the only natural thing to do. The stigma of
reaching out to other Eritreans outside the “G-I” is a “G-I” created
stigma and Eritreans have nothing to do with it. That stigma, which is
a hindrance to national reconciliation and unity should be discarded and
disowned like the many actions and designs of the “G-I”.
The
reformers have to be aware of the destructive culture they were part in
creating. Political honesty requires that they do not stick to the rules
of the game laid by the “G-I”: using the Wahio organizations as the
yardstick for measuring political temperature. There is a big chunk of
Eritrea outside the “G-I”. And this big chunk has shown its political
maturity by supporting the reform movement without any reservation. All
Eritreans outside the conventional “G-I” fold showed their good-will; it
is time the reformers reciprocated in kind so that a true basis for
Eritrean reconciliation can be achieved. And so that, together, Eritreans
can start the serious task of healing inter-Eritrean wounds.
The
Reformers & Their Passports When
Gedab News reported that the G-I has revoked the diplomatic passports of
the Reformers, the Eritrean Embassy in the United States rushed out a
“clarification” which, as usual, includes a generous dose of half-truths
and concealments. We will let
Mr. Mesfin Hagos address the question of whether he was given a ride by
the Embassy and what his conversations with Ambassador Girma Asmerom
actually were. What the
Embassy’s paper (whose audience, once again, was not Eritreans but the
institutions of the donor nations) wanted to do is convey the impression
that revocation of diplomatic passport of people who are no longer
diplomats is perfectly logical and is not a big deal because an Eritrean,
any Eritrean, could go to his nearest Embassy and get a passport. We know
that is a blatant lie. If
that was the case, why didn’t Ambassador Girma, who knew that the
honorable Mr. Mesfin Hagos was going to Eritrea, call his former comrade
and say, “please surrender your diplomatic passport and here’s a copy of
an ordinary passport”?
The answer is simple: as Eritreans who have been made stateless by
their government will testify, the Reformers will not be given an Eritrean
passport unless they renounce their stands, condemn their colleagues and
ask for forgiveness. They did
not want a popular man to return to the country. A man who, according to some, got
more votes than Isaias and would have been elected president had it not
been for the vote rigging of the "G-I" Such are the ways of the
G-I. The
Free Press and The Journalists Why
were the independent newspapers closed? “They
were not closed; their licenses were revoked.“ OK.
But why? It depends on whom you ask. Even the G-I hasn’t figured that
out. In his response to
Amnesty International, the Spokesman of G-I, Yemane Gebremeskel said this:
“the
printed media have been operating in clear breach of fundamental
provisions of the Press Law for years now. Some of the trespasses
include failure to submit annual financial statements (required by the
Press Law).” This coming from a government that
never published budgets or audited financial statements. And from a source who last was
heard telling Amnesty International that the arrest of Semere Kesete, the
president of the Asmara University student union, is perfectly consistent
with the law, which allows the government to remand citizens for up to 28
days. (He must have thought
that the 29th day won't arrive. For the record, Semere Kesete was arrested
on July 29 and he is still in “remand”, two-months later.) Then,
Ali Abdu of Eri-TV, told the BBC that the newspapers were closed because
they were “not abiding by the press code” although they had been given
time “to correct their mistakes.”
This theme was then picked up by two more members of G-I,
Ambassador Girma Asmerom and Ambassador Hanna Simon. For good measure, Ambassador
Girma told his interviewer, All Africa.com's Charles Cobb, Jr. that
“In
the future we could debate to change the law. You debate; you could
improve the law. Fantastic.” Fantastic, indeed. We have debated that cursed
proclamation, the press law, for years, going back to the time when
another journalist, Ruth Simon, was jailed by the G-I during the height of
the crisis between Eritrea and Sudan. The G-I is a wicked system that
allegedly recognizes the shortcomings of an unjust law, tells people they
have the right to change the law and then arrests those who try to do just
that. It ratifies a constitution, then applies Dergue era
penal codes. The
G-I were very outspoken in their eagerness to explain why the newspapers
were closed. But, a related
question, “Why were the reporters arrested?” draws a blank. Even the All-Purpose Spokesperson
could do no more than rely on the Always Reliable “military service” to
defend the indefensible in his response to the CPJ on 9/25/01: “… the
journalists may have been arrested for avoiding military
service.” But the
national service swoop is usually conducted in the cities not by
conducting dawn raids at people’s residence. Plus, as everyone knows, the
journalists HAD either served or been exempted from the "military
service." So, could there be
another explanation? The G-I has no answer. The illuminating answers of Girma
Asmerom and Hanna Simon ranged from “I have no idea” to “she had
no confirmation of arrests of journalists in her country.”
This
is another way of saying that in the G-I partnership, the “G” cannot speak
without the permission of the “I.” The
newspapers sprung due to a natural development of Eritreans who tried to
rediscover their press and literary character of the forties and
fifties. With the exception
of the gutless "journalist" who was bribed into silence by VIP
treatments of chauffeured tours of Eritrea “from Massawa to Ali
Ghidir", the other journalists had taken their responsibility to
inform the public seriously.
But the G-I, unreformed communists that they are, had never
approved of the free press with conviction. They only did it reluctantly to
keep the tap of foreign funds flowing and to fool amateur “friends” of
Eritrea, the undoubting and un-skeptical Thomases into making a Mountain
out of this molehill.
Since one cannot claim to be free when handcuffs are visible in his
wrists, the G-Is tried to conceal the handcuffs and replace it with a new
invention of “Handcuffed Freedom”. We
hail our new generation of wel-wels and assure them that to be jailed by
an autocratic system is a badge of honor. We are grateful to the CPJ for the
support accorded to Eritrean journalists in particular and to the
principle of Freed Press in general. We also appeal to them to continue
being supportive for the budding Eritrean Press that is facing a cruel
assault by the dictatorial regime. We appeal to them to continue exerting
all necessary pressure for the reopening of Eritrean newspapers. We ask
for the solidarity of all journalist and newsmen with the young Eritrean
press force. We appeal to
them to expand their advocacy on behalf of all journalists who have been
exiled and arrested, or those who face persecution if they return,
including about fourteen journalists who now live in different
parts of the world. They include:
The
University Students One
of the ironies of the G-I is that they "solve" a crisis by creating a
bigger crisis that diverts our attention from the previous one. Had it not been for the
arrest of the Reformers, the closure of the newspapers and the arrest of
the journalists, the big news in Eritrea would have been the continued
detention of about 20 members of the leadership of the Asmara University
Student Union. According to
students returned from WiA, there may be more than 2 students that have
died; more than a few who are still in military hospitals and twenty
members of the leadership still in detention. We appeal to whomever it is that
speaks on behalf of university students to make their case as high profile
as the arrest of the journalists. Who
speaks for the others? Journalists have their spokespersons;
diplomats have theirs. Who speaks for the nameless persecuted
victims? Look at the unfair and unjust system that Eritreans are
suffering under. If you don’t
know someone, he doesn’t exist! That is the logic of the “G-I” supporters.
See? They know the reformers; they know the journalist; they know the
university students and they know the prominent names that are being
pushed to “G-I” guesthouses (Girma Asmerom tells us not to call them
“detention camps.”). They believe the stories about their jailing and
detention to the extent that they go about manufacturing crimes and
weaving stories to justify the shameful actions without any feeling of
guilt. If you differ with the “G-I” and they can lay their hands on you,
you are bound to have a new address, the guesthouse. Do you know how many
people are jailed without trial in Eritrea? How many disappeared without
trace? How many were “profiled” and ended up in the guesthouse?
We need a nation founded on a
just law and a government, not a group, that adheres to the rule of law.
Only then can people get a fair and
transparent trial and not be condemned to jail simply
because a drunk
officer decided to do so. Let’s
see at how the “G-I” and their supporters have segmented little
Eritrea: If one is an opposition to the “G-I” and is Christian, he is branded as Wegenawi. Regionalist. If they don’t know his village of origin, then he is a Weyane, as well. If he is a Johavah Witness, he is not a nationalist. If he is a Catholic Bishop, he is a Vatican agent. In the “G-I”’s Eritrea, if one is a Moslem, with a beard and the “G-I” doesn’t like him, he is a Jihad and he is sent to the guesthouse. If one is a Moslem and doesn’t have any of the stereotyping, then he is a Hamshai Mesre’e. Fifth Columnist. If one doesn’t fit in any of the above categories, he is a corrupt power hungry person who is getting involved in politics and he should be stopped. The “G-I” clique that was founded on regional philosophy for the purpose of mobilization has used its last card. For thirty years, the clique has cleverly used the ethnic card, without expanding its base beyond the makeup of Selfi NetSanet. In the meanwhile, it has alienated every social force in Eritrea and now is sitting on the shoulders of few hardliners who, thanks to the never-ending blunders of the regime, will wake up soon. In its stupidity, it branded the reform movement as a regional movement and in the process confused some souls. However, many discovered the true intention of the clique, which this time was a grave miscalculation. When one accuses a movement wholesale as a
regional movement and unleashes all sorts of defamation projects, it will
mean that the agitating of another region is in full throttle. This is the
traditional tool of the “G-I” clique and it is trying to use it again. The
whole of Eritrea is now branded: Hamshai mesrE (fifth columnists), Weyane,
Jihad, Regionalist and ethnic agitators. Whole regions are excluded and
what remains under the control of the “G-I” is so simple to figure out
provided you know the social and political composition of
Eritrea. The “G-I” is not qualified to define
Eritreanism. It has failed to define Eritrean boundaries let alone
Eritreanism. The forces outside the “G-I” are the true representation of
Eritrea. Changing zonal boundaries and erasing historical regional
confines will not melt down Eritreanism to a single pot shabbily
manufactured by the “G-I”. The “G-I” is running like a deer that is
fatally wounded by a hunter and will not find out it is shot until it
drops dead. Following the slings and arrows that were wounding the
“G-I” for a long time, the last shot was delivered by none other but the
reform movement. The
Way Forward
We
hate to say “we told you so” but we did tell you so. When
the Reformers first made their grievances public, we invited you to take a
stand and to take a side.
Some of you had harbored a hope that the dispute would be resolved
peacefully and amicably. Some
of you were taken by the “G-I” who led you to believe that this was a
“political hiccup” that would soon be resolved. You now know, or should
know, otherwise.
There are now four groups in Eritrea. Those who support the “G-I”, those who support the Reform Movement, those who support the opposition (The Alliance) and those who are unaligned with all of the above for a variety of reasons. The supporters of “G-I” are coming out and by using Open Letters and petitions indicating their support for the “G-I”. We congratulate them for finally taking a stand. We think it is instructive for those of us who are familiar with Eritrean names to study the lists of names and learn the names of those who are so quick to accuse others of being regionalist, etc. Do those names reflect the diversity of Eritrea? Or has the "G-I" never expanded its base beyond the Selfi NetSanet era? Take a good look at the list, referred as a “Divine List” by a fan, and you have a quick lesson in the Isaias Constituency. Those who support the Reform movement have been hesitant thus far but are getting more assertive, particularly after they learned how callous and cruel the “G-I” can be. After all, the “G-I” had no qualms about stripping the citizenship of Eritreans who made the whole concept of Eritrean citizenship possible. The petitions for dialogue, the letters of support as well as the packed attendance for the DC meeting held in a very short notice is a good indication of the level of support the reform movement enjoys. The desperate attempt to disrupt the meeting was an admission by the “G-I” that they recognize the potency of the reform movement and the threat it represents to their power monopoly. Then there are those who support the
Alliance. This group is
not looking for reform but a revolution. They don’t want to mend the
government; they want to uproot it. They believe that there are
a series of steps that have to be undertaken, in sequence, to ensure
stable democracy in Eritrea.
They want to begin with Reconciliation, followed by a Unity
Government (including a Reformed PFDJ) that will draft a new constitution
with full participation of all Eritreans (including those excluded in the
last attempt), and a popular government elected by a free and willing
constituency. Then there are Eritreans who, for whatever reason, do not belong to any of the three groups. These reasons could be historical, personality conflicts, ideological incompatibility, or even aversion to belonging to any group, which requires loss of individualism and independence. It could be due to loss of faith in the leadership of the three groups. It could be because they are a new generation of Eritreans who want no association with the “baggage” of the past and want to chart a new future on a blank slate. How do we assess the future? We
believe that the “G-I” is totally anti-democracy. It loathes freedom of
speech. It doesn’t recognize that humans actually have rights. It is an
organization built on what we call, ‘The Wedini culture’. It is a
government by The Wedini, for The Wedini, of The Wedini. We urge Eritreans not to be scared of the Wedinis, the disruptive elements. The noisy lot are very violent. If they had guns, and if the stage of their last disruption was not the United States where the rule of law actually rules, they wouldn’t hesitate to shoot and kill their adversaries, their own compatriots. They are the re-incarnation of the violent Bolsheviks. They abhor dialogue; they hate healthy debate. If they ever start a dialogue, due to some sort of miracle, they would offer only two options: you either accept our views or our view. A no-dialogue dialogue. They believe that they have some God given right to control and some divine power to enslave. They are the perpetrators of all inter-Eritrean differences and, as will soon be evident, they are a tiny minority. On the other hand, we believe there is enough common ground
between the PFDJ Reform movement and the traditional Opposition to create
a new platform that embraces reconciliation, democracy and justice that
will be appealing to most Eritreans. This is not to say
that there aren’t differences between the PFDJ Reformers and the
traditional opposition.
The major ones are the following: (1) Is there a role for the Eritrean Jihad movement in a new
coalition, which is guided by the principles of nationalist, secular
democracy? The
traditional opposition believes yes; the reformers will probably say
no. (2) Is there a role for the ethnic-based groups within the
Alliance that espouse a “federal arrangement” in a new coalition that
advocates secular, nationalist and democratic values? The traditional opposition
believes yes; the reformers will probably say no. (3) Is the ratified-but-unimplemented Eritrean constitution a
good beginning point for establishing a nation governed by democracy and
rule of law? The
reformers believe “yes” and the opposition does not. We believe these are the three major points of contention. They are differences but we do not think they are irreconcilable differences. Bridging differences peacefully is what mature politics is supposed to be about. To do that, we must renounce the “G-I” culture and the mob mentality that the hardliners espouse which is alien to the generally tolerant Eritrean culture. The “G-I” culture, which has been used as a standard for the last decade, must be discarded. We cannot move forward by displaying arrogance; by heaping insults on one another, by denigrating one another. We cannot move forward by the “Search-and-destroy” method advocated by the “G-I” in its endless search for enemies. The Awate Team | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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